多言語学習ノート
英語、中国語、韓国語を中心にした多言語学習の記録です。 2012/5/27～
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When they begin the beguine （ﾌｪﾝ ｾﾞｲ ﾋﾞｷﾞﾝ ｻﾞ ﾋﾞｷﾞﾝ）
Quiero sentir （ｷｴﾛ ｾﾝﾃィﾙ）
las cosas de siempre （ﾗｽ ｺｻｽ ﾃﾞ ｼｴﾝﾌﾟﾚ）
Quiero saber （ｷｴﾛ ｻﾍﾞｰﾙ）
si tú aun me quieres (ｼ ﾄゥ ｱｳﾝ ﾒ ｷｴﾚｽ）
Quiero volver a empezar （ｷｴﾛ ｳﾞォﾙｳﾞｪｰﾙ ｱ ｴﾝﾍﾟｻﾞｰﾙ）
When they begin the beguine （ﾌｪﾝ ｾﾞｲ ﾋﾞｷﾞﾝ ｻﾞ ﾋﾞｷﾞﾝ）
Quiero saber (ｷｴﾛ ｻﾍﾞｰﾙ）
que fue de tu vida （ｹ ﾌｰｴ ﾃﾞ ﾄゥ ｳﾞｨﾀﾞ）
Quiero saber (ｷｴﾛ ｻﾍﾞｰﾙ）
si todo se olvida, (ｼ ﾄﾄﾞ ｾ ｵﾙｳﾞｨｰﾀﾞ）
para volver a empezar (ﾊﾟﾗ ｳﾞｫﾙｳﾞｪｰﾙ ｱ ｴﾝﾍﾟｻﾞｰﾙ）
Yo que siempre jugué con tu amor (ﾖ ｹ ｼｴﾝﾌﾟﾚ ﾌｹﾞｰ ｺﾝ ﾄゥ ｱﾓｰﾙ）
hasta el final （ｱｽﾀ ｴﾙ(ｱﾙ？） ﾌｨﾅﾙ）
Y seguro yo estaba que tú (ｲ ｾｸﾞﾛ ﾖ ｴｽﾀﾊﾞ ｹ ﾄゥ）
aun me querías （ｱｳﾝ ﾒ ｹﾘｱｽ）
Hoy al ver que ya todo acabó (ｵｲ ｱﾙ ﾍﾞ ｹ ﾔ ﾄﾄﾞ ｱｶﾎﾞ）
que no daría, （ｹ ﾉ ﾀﾞﾘｱ）
para volver a empezar. （ﾊﾟﾗ ｳﾞｫﾙｳﾞｪｰﾙ ｱ ｴﾝﾍﾟｻﾞｰﾙ）
Día a día te hacías querer（ﾃﾞィｱ ｱ ﾃﾞィｱ ﾃ ｱｼｱｽ ｹﾚｰ）
un poco más （ｳﾝ ﾎﾟｺ ﾏｽ）
¿Quién me iba a decir que una vez（ｷｴﾝ ﾒ ｲﾊﾞ ｱ ﾃﾞｼｰﾙ ｹ ｳﾅ ｳﾞｪｽ）
te perdería? (ﾃ ﾍﾟﾙﾃﾞﾘｱ）
Y hoy al verme tan solo sin ti （ｲ ｵｲ ｱﾙ ｳﾞｪﾙﾒ ﾀﾝ ｿﾛ ｼﾝ ﾃィ）
que no daría, (ｹ ﾉ ﾀﾞﾘｱ）
para volver a empezar.（ﾊﾟﾗ ｳﾞォﾙｳﾞｪｰﾙ ｱ ｴﾝﾍﾟｻﾞｰﾙ）
When they begin the beguine （ﾌｪﾝ ｾﾞｲ ﾋﾞｷﾞﾝ ｻﾞ ﾋﾞｷﾞﾝ）
Quiero sentir （ｷｴﾛ ｾﾝﾃィﾙ）
las cosas de siempre（ﾗｽ ｺｻｽ ﾃﾞ ｼｴﾝﾌﾟﾚ）
Quiero saber(ｷｴﾛ ｻﾍﾞｰﾙ）
si tú aun me quieres, (ｼ ﾄゥ ｱｳﾝ ﾒ ｷｴﾚｽ）
para volver a empezar.（ﾊﾟﾗ ｳﾞォﾙｳﾞｪｰﾙ ｱ ｴﾝﾍﾟｻﾞｰﾙ）
Yo que siempre jugué con tu amor (ﾖ ｹ ｼｴﾝﾌﾟﾚ ﾌｹﾞｰ ｺﾝ ﾄゥ ｱﾓｰﾙ）
hasta el final （ｱｽﾀ ｴﾙ(ｱﾙ？） ﾌｨﾅﾙ）
Y seguro yo estaba que tú (ｲ ｾｸﾞﾛ ﾖ ｴｽﾀﾊﾞ ｹ ﾄゥ）
aun me querías （ｱｳﾝ ﾒ ｹﾘｱｽ）
Hoy al ver que ya todo acabó (ｵｲ ｱﾙ ﾍﾞ ｹ ﾔ ﾄﾄﾞ ｱｶﾎﾞ）
que no daría, （ｹ ﾉ ﾀﾞﾘｱ）
para volver a empezar. （ﾊﾟﾗ ｳﾞｫﾙｳﾞｪｰﾙ ｱ ｴﾝﾍﾟｻﾞｰﾙ）
Día a día te hacías querer（ﾃﾞィｱ ｱ ﾃﾞィｱ ﾃ ｱｼｱｽ ｹﾚｰ）
un poco más （ｳﾝ ﾎﾟｺ ﾏｽ）
¿Quién me iba a decir que una vez（ｷｴﾝ ﾒ ｲﾊﾞ ｱ ﾃﾞｼｰﾙ ｹ ｳﾅ ｳﾞｪｽ）
te perdería? (ﾃ ﾍﾟﾙﾃﾞﾘｱ）
Y hoy al verme tan solo sin ti （ｲ ｵｲ ｱﾙ ｳﾞｪﾙﾒ ﾀﾝ ｿﾛ ｼﾝ ﾃィ）
que no daría, (ｹ ﾉ ﾀﾞﾘｱ）
para volver a empezar.（ﾊﾟﾗ ｳﾞォﾙｳﾞｪｰﾙ ｱ ｴﾝﾍﾟｻﾞｰﾙ）
歌詞およびその発音は
http://detail.chiebukuro.yahoo.co.jp/qa/question_detail/q1254068732
より引用しました。
にほんブログ村
Ce soir, je serai la plus belle
Pour aller danser
Danser
Pour mieux évincer toutes celles
Que tu as aimées
Aimées
Ce soir je serai la plus tendre
Quand tu me diras
Diras
Tous les mots que je veux entendre
Murmurer par toi
Par toi
Je fonde l´espoir que la robe que j´ai voulue
Et que j´ai cousue
Point par point
Sera chiffonnée
Et les cheveux que j´ai coiffés
Décoiffés
Par tes mains
Quand la nuit refermait ses ailes
J´ai souvent rêvé
Rêvé
Que dans la soie et la dentelle
Un soir je serai la plus belle
La plus belle pour aller danser
Tu peux me donner le souffle qui manque à ma vie
Dans un premier cri
De bonheur
Si tu veux ce soir cueillir le printemps de mes jours
Et l´amour en mon cœur
Pour connaître la joie nouvelle
Du premier baiser
Je sais
Qu´au seuil des amours éternelles
Il faut que je sois la plus belle
La plus belle pour aller danser
もうひとつ気に入っていた曲は『夢見るシャンソン人形』です。中学2年のときはこの曲で目を覚ますようにテープレコーダーをタイマーでセットしていました。上のYoutubeは歌詞と日本語訳が出ますが、音が割れていて聴きにくいです。下のものは音が割れていませんので、両方を同時にかけて上のを消音すればよろしいかと思います。
Je suis une poupée de cire, une poupée de son
Mon cœur est gravé dans mes chansons
Poupée de cire, poupée de son
Suis-je meilleure, suis-je pire qu'une poupée de salon?
Je vois la vie en rose bonbon
Poupée de cire, poupée de son
Mes disques sont un miroir dans lequel chacun peut me voir
Je suis partout à la fois brisée en mille éclats de voix
Autour de moi, j'entends rire les poupées de chiffon
Celles qui dansent sur mes chansons
Poupée de cire, poupée de son
Elles se laissent séduire pour un oui, pour un non
L'amour n'est pas que dans les chansons
Poupée de cire, poupée de son
Mes disques sont un miroir dans lequel chacun peut me voir
Je suis partout à la fois brisée en mille éclats de voix
Seule parfois je soupire, je me dis: "À quoi bon
"Chanter ainsi l'amour sans raison
"Sans rien connaître des garçons?"
Je n'suis qu'une poupée de cire, qu'une poupée de son
Sous le soleil de mes cheveux blonds
Poupée de cire, poupée de son
Mais un jour je vivrai mes chansons
Poupée de cire, poupée de son
Sans craindre la chaleur des garçons
Poupée de cire, poupée de son
にほんブログ村
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にほんブログ村
I could build the mansion
にほんブログ村
I’m Wandering – Lyrics
にほんブログ村
我生于一九五一年一月四日，即二十世纪下半叶第一年第一个月第一个星期。说是有纪念性的日子也未尝不可。这样，我有了“初”这样一个名字。不过除此之外，关于我的出生几乎没有什么值得一提的。父亲是一家大证券公司的职员，母亲是普通家庭主妇。父亲曾因“学徒出阵”（译者注：“学徒出阵”：特指二战末期日本下令在籍学生直接入伍参战。）被送去新加坡，战后在那里的收容所关了一段时间。母亲家的房子在战争最后那年遭到B—29的轰炸，化为灰烬。他们是被长期战争所损害的一代。
但我出生时，所谓战争余波几乎已经没有了。住处一带没有战火遗痕，占领军的身影也见不到了。我们住在这和平的小镇上由父亲公司提供的住宅里。住宅是战前建造的，旧是旧了些，但宽敞还是够宽敞的。院子里有高大的松树，小水池和石灯笼都有。
我们居住的镇，是十分典型的大都市郊外的中产阶级居住地。那期间多少有些交往的同学，他们全都生活在较为整洁漂亮的独门独户里，大小之差固然有之，但都有大门，有院子，院子里都有树。同学们的父亲大半在公司工作，就是专业人士。母亲做工的家庭非常少见。大部分人家都养猫养狗。至于住宿舍或公寓里的人，当时我一个也不认识。后来虽然搬到了邻镇，但情形大同小异。所以，在去东京上大学之前，我一直以为一般人都系领带去公司上班，都住着带院子的独门独户，都养猫养狗。无从想象——至少不伴随实感——此外的生活是什么样子。
每家通常有两三个小孩。在我所生活的世界里两三个是平均数目。我可以在眼前推出少年时代和青春期结识的几个朋友的模样，但他们无一不是两兄弟或三兄弟里的一员。不是两兄弟即是三兄弟，不是三兄弟即是两兄弟，简直如刻板印刷一般。六七个小孩的家庭诚然少，只有一个小孩的就更少了。
不过我倒是无兄无弟只我自己。独生子。少年时代的我始终为此有些自卑，觉得在这个世界上自己可谓特殊存在，别人理直气壮地拥有的东西自己却没有。
小时候，“独生子”这句话最让我受不了，每次听到，我都不得不重新意识到自己的不足。这句话总是把指尖直接戳向我：你是不完整的！
独生子受父母溺爱、体弱多病、极端任性——这在我居住的天地里乃是不可撼动的定论，乃是自然规律，一如山高则气压下降、母牛则产奶量多一样。所以我非常不愿意被人问起兄弟几个。只消一听无兄无弟，人们便条件反射般地这样想道：这小子是独生子，一定受父母溺爱、体弱多病、极端任性。而这种千篇一律的反应使我相当厌烦和受刺激。但真正使少年时代的我厌烦和受刺激的，是他们所说的完全属实。不错，事实上我也是个被溺爱的体弱多病的极端任性的少年。
我就读的学校，无兄无弟的孩子的确罕有其人。小学六年时间我只遇上一个独生子，所以对她（是的，是女孩儿）记得十分真切。我和她成了好朋友，两人无话不谈，说是息息相通也未尝不可。我甚至对她怀有了爱情。
她姓岛本，同是独生子。由于出生不久便得了小儿麻痹，左腿有一点点跛，并且是转校生（岛本来我们班是五年级快结束的时候）。这样，可以说她背负着很大的——大得与我无法相比的——精神压力。但是，也正因为背负着格外大的压力，她要比我坚强得多，自律得多，在任何人面前都不叫苦示弱。不仅口头上，脸上也是如此。即使事情令人不快，脸上也总是带着微笑。甚至可以说越是事情令人不快，她越是面带微笑。那微笑实在妙不可言，我从中得到了不少安慰和鼓励。“没关系的，”那微笑像是在说，“不怕的，忍一忍就过去了。”由于这个缘故，以后每想起岛本的面容，便想起那微笑。
岛本学习成绩好，对别人大体公平而亲切，所以在班上她常被人高看一眼。在这个意义上，虽说她也是独生子，却跟我大不一样。不过若说她无条件地得到所有同学喜欢，那也未必。大家固然不欺负她不取笑她，但除了我，能称为朋友的人在她是一个也没有。
想必对他们来说，她是过于冷静而又自律了，可能有人还视之为冷淡和傲慢。但是我可以感觉出岛本在外表下潜伏的某种温情和脆弱——如同藏猫猫的小孩子，尽管躲在深处，却又希求迟早给人瞧见。有时我可以从她的话语和表情中一晃儿认出这样的影子。由于父亲工作的关系，岛本不知转了多少次校。她父亲做什么工作，我记不准确了。她倒是向我详细说过一回，但正如对身边大多数小孩一样，我也对别人父亲的职业没什么兴趣。记得大约是银行、税务或公司破产法方面专业性质的工作。这次搬来住的房子虽说也是公司住宅，却是座蛮大的洋房，四周围着相当气派的齐腰高的石墙，石墙上连着常绿树篱，透过点点处处的间隙可以窥见院里的草坪。
岛本是个眉目清秀的高个子女孩，个头同我不相上下，几年后必定出落成十分引人注目的绝对漂亮的姑娘。但我遇见她的当时，她还没获得同其自身资质相称的外观。当时的她总好像有些地方还不够谐调，因此多数人并不认为她的容貌有多大魅力。我猜想大概是因为在她身上大人应有的部分同仍然是孩子的部分未能协调发展的缘故，这种不均衡有时会使人陷入不安。
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にほんブログ村
THE residents of Kotobuki live not far from the glitzy shops and upscale restaurants of Yokohama, Japan’s second-biggest city, adjoining Tokyo, the capital. Yet Kotobuki is an altogether different world: a squalid district, it is a pit stop for local Japanese on their way to destitution. Men living here in cheap hostels have lost jobs and families. Some survive on casual day work, but many have no work at all. A 250-bed shelter dominates the centre of Kotobuki, part of a public network of around 40 built in the past decade. Though these have helped to take 18,000 people off Japan’s streets, it has been harder to check the creeping poverty that put many of them there in the first place.
Last year, the Japanese government recorded relative poverty rates of 16%—defined as the share of the population living on less than half the national median income. That is the highest on record. Poverty levels have been growing at a rate of 1.3% a year since the mid-1980s. On the same definition, a study by the OECD in 2011 ranked Japan sixth from the bottom among its 34 mostly rich members. Bookshops advertise a slew of bestsellers on how to survive on an annual income of under ¥2m ($16,700), a poverty line below which millions of Japanese now live.The country has long prided itself on ensuring that none of its citizens falls between the social cracks. Japan’s orderly, slum-free neighbourhoods seem to confirm that. Street crime, even in Kotobuki, is minuscule. Unemployment is below 4%, and jobs are being generated as the prime minister, Shinzo Abe, attempts to boost the economy through monetary easing. Yet the poor quality of new jobs is compounding the problem of the working poor, says Kaori Katada, a sociologist at Hosei University in Tokyo. Since Mr Abe took office in late 2012, the number of irregular workers—often earning less than half the pay of their full-time counterparts with permanent employment contracts—has jumped by over 1.5m. Casual and part-time employees number nearly 20m, almost 40% of the Japanese workforce.
The effects of this shift to irregular work have not always been visible. One reason is parents’ benevolence. Millions of young workers remain living at home, rent-free. But once the older generation that drove Japan’s post-war boom goes, underlying poverty will become more evident, says Ms Katada.
Mr Abe has been pushing Japan’s cash-rich corporations into hiring more people and paying better wages, with some success. In the past few weeks some of the biggest companies have announced pay hikes for elite salaried workers. But people on the margins are losing out even as Japan’s economy recovers. Welfare applications bottomed out at 882,000 in 1995 but have been rising steadily since. Last year they topped 2m for the first time.
Under pressure to limit Japan’s huge public debt, which stands at almost two-and-a half times GDP, the government cut benefits last summer. Tom Gill, an anthropologist and author of “Yokohama Street Life: The Precarious Career of a Japanese Day Labourer”, says that has pushed more people into official poverty. Yokohama is one of many local governments in the red. The men who now crowd its homeless shelter once earned a living on building sites or car production lines, paying national and local taxes. Today, construction at least has picked up again. But it is a much smaller industry than before, and wages are lower. Some men have found work. But most in Kotobuki remain a burden.
にほんブログ村
『帝国の慰安婦』要旨の英訳をアップしておきます。間違った英訳が出回っているようですので、こちらをご参考いただければ幸いです（by 朴裕河 ） 全文引用です。
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How We Should Consider the Comfort Women Issue
Based on Discussions between Ikuhiko Hata and Yoshiaki Yoshimi (2013・6）-
Park Yu-ha
Sejong University
How should we consider the comfort women issue? I would like to discuss this issue, which has caused a great deal of confusion in recent years, first of all, based on the discussions of the two historians regarded as the foremost experts on the comfort women issue.
My discussion in this paper will be based on “Points of Contention in the Comfort Women Issue Considered with the Foremost Experts on the Matter, Mr. Ikuhiko Hata and Mr. Yoshiaki Yoshimi,” broadcast on radio in June 2013. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has stated he would like to “defer the judgment to historians.” As seen in the fact that discussions among historians, even between the “foremost experts,” have hardly been able to find common ground, however, the comfort women issue is now in a state where what “historians” think alone can no longer lead us to an agreement between Japan and the Republic of Korea, let alone consensus within Japan.
It has become difficult to reach consensus within Japan itself or between Japan and the Republic of Korea on the comfort women issue because it has developed into a political problem after being left unresolved for many years. As a result, many people from both countries have gained fairly detailed information on the issue. This situation has arisen not by discrepancies in information and points of view on comfort women themselves but rather by the fact that the current political positions of various individuals and emotions associated with them have found their way into this issue. Furthermore, there are a great number of people involved in this issue, either directly or indirectly, and most of these people have become indirect parties to the issue. Moreover, because of the length of their involvement, their respective arguments have even taken their own sets of values or political positions. This is the major reason why it is very difficult to achieve a departure from existing ideas or positions.
In considering the comfort women issue, the following matters seem to be most necessary:
Settlement as early as possible;
To that end, it is necessary to understand this issue in terms of the conditions surrounding the existence itself of comfort women first of all, as well as the conditions surrounding movements and conflicts over the past 20 years; and
It is necessary for learned individuals and ordinary citizens, whose involvement in this issue does not affect their livelihood or political positions, to engage with this issue and consider it together with the directly involved parties.
1. Who are Comfort Women? In the modern era, there were many men who went abroad without their families as a result of developments in modes of transportation, and their own internalization of the desire of states to expand their sphere of influence. The movements of women also increased in order to support such men. In the case of Japan, those women were provided first for foreign servicemen coming to Japan, but from around the same time, they were sent overseas as well. They were called “Karayuki-san” and most of these women came from poor families, sold off by their parents or otherwise sacrificing themselves for their families.
These women also emigrated to Korea for Japanese soldiers stationed there and other Japanese men who relocated there in line with the national policy of encouraging emigration. Before long, the state-regulated prostitution system was introduced on the Korean Peninsula as well, and Korean women came to work there. There had already been women who “comforted” soldiers since the time of the Russo-Japanese War, and they had been called “Joshigun,” or the women’s army, in the sense that they played the role of supporting the military forces.
In other words, the term “comfort women” basically means women who moved to areas that became battlefields, occupied territories and/or colonies as a result of the state’s policy of expanding its political and economic influence. Comfort stations used by merchants and servicemen were in place from early on. Such terms as “comfort stations” and “comfort women” apparently took root in the 1930s, but their functions should be taken as having emerged alongside the imperialism of the modern era, including that of the West.
2. Comfort Women and Korean Comfort Women
In the case of Japan, as comfort women were provided for men who went to overseas locations far away from home for the sake of the state, they were naturally seen as Japanese women. After Japan colonized Korea, however, Korean women as well as Taiwanese women became incorporated into this mechanism. Already in the 1920s, Korean women went to China and Taiwan for the Japanese, and also Koreans who became Japanese, staying abroad. They should be regarded as the predecessor of what later became known as Korean comfort women.
3. Karayuki-san-turned-Joshigun
Among the Karayuki-san, there were some women, who despite being sold to work at prostitution facilities, were able to build their own bases and were in a position to lend money or places for backroom meetings to so-called “soshi,” or brave young men, who left home to work overseas for the state. They came to be called “Joshigun” because of this, and, while still being disdained, they were thus able to raise their status as well. At the same time, these women, for their part, took some pride in indirectly supporting men working for the state and easing their homesickness (needless to say, this also meant that these women were deceived by the imperialistic statements by the state on the fast track to war). Thus the term “comfort women” is underpinned by such mechanisms.
Various Types of Comfort Stations
Therefore, it is reasonable to believe that the Japanese military did not come up with the idea of the comfort women system out of the blue when it created comfort stations in the 1930s. Instead, it had simply systematized what had already existed at the time. One difference compared to other countries was that Japan used patriotism as a mechanism. Among prostitution facilities (which included some restaurants and cafes) that were managed from the perspective of good hygiene and such (managed domestically by police), the Japanese military designated those satisfying the necessary criteria as comfort stations to be exclusively used by the military, for use by occupation forces that advanced into Manchukuo and China for the Sino-Japanese War. However, with growing numbers of troops being stationed abroad and for greater convenience, the military decided to incorporate them into a system. The military eventually used “recruiters” to “recruit” comfort women, but recruitment methods were quite varied.
In other words, places now considered to have been comfort stations were not necessarily those newly created by the Japanese military. They included existing facilities established during and after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 and the Russo-Japanese War, and in some cases, the military provided places it acquired to house women who were already working individually. In addition, there were cases where the military treated recruiters as “gunzoku” (or quasi-gunzoku), which were civilian employees of the military, in order to provide them with the conveniences of movement and management.
However, the above is only applicable to comfort stations established by the military alone. Thus, corresponding to the various forms of comfort stations, there also were various types of recruiters. In some cases, recruiters themselves built shabby comfort stations at such locations as small islands to start temporary operations (a form of the dispatching of comfort women). Whatever the case, however, as movements on battlefields required the military’s permission, there is no doubt that the military was basically aware of many such movements and supervised them. However, in many cases, senior officers and others used ordinary restaurants as comfort stations, instead of comfort stations designated by the military.
Other than the prevention of sexually transmitted diseases and anti-espionage, the reasons the military established (or designated) comfort stations apparently included the convenience of locating them closer to stationed troops and making them available at lower costs as the number of solders using comfort stations increased. These comfort stations charged what were referred to as public rates.
It is necessary to bear in mind that comfort stations took various forms depending on when and where they were, and did not exist in just a single form.
5. Different Kinds of Comfort Women
Therefore, in the true sense of the term, we cannot use the term “comfort stations” to refer to all facilities designed to satisfy the carnal appetite located in areas where Japan engaged in warfare. For example, prostitution facilities staffed mostly by local women should not be referred to as “comfort women” in the original sense of the term. In other words, women at those facilities merely served as the outlets of sexual desire and cannot be described as “Joshigun” in the sense of supporting servicemen of Japan and easing their homesickness. In a strict sense, women who were provided on battlefields and were forced to work in the form of semi-constant rape and victims of one-time rape on battlefields cannot be called “comfort women.”
Therefore, we should not refer to all the women who served the carnal appetite of Japanese soldiers during the Asia-Pacific war as “comfort women,” and we should limit “comfort women” in the true sense of the term only to Japanese women, and Korean, Taiwanese and Okinawan women who were made to become Japanese.
However, the situation was highly convoluted and confusing, since women at ordinary prostitution facilities were also engaged in sex work for Japanese soldiers in the same way as comfort women and accepted them with advertising signs such as “Patriotic Diner” (these facilities would surely also have been designated by the military).
Nevertheless there were evident differences in the relationship with servicemen between women who were raped once or continuously on battlefields and comfort women, including Japanese women.
As seen above, comfort women encountered different experiences depending on their nationalities, periods of work and locations (either on the front lines or behind battle lines).
Nevertheless, the manner in which the comfort women issue was handled considered all of these women as comfort women, and that was where the main confusion began.
Whichever category these women fell into, however, the foremost premise in discussing the comfort women issue is to recognize that women made to engage in sex work were always the socially weak, that most of them were susceptible to disease and that they found themselves in a miserable plight in which they faced a constant risk of death.
6. Forcible Recruitment
Therefore, circumstances under which these women came to engage in sex work for soldiers naturally were not identical. Some of these women were already there even before the all-out recruitment commenced.
The person who first raised the comfort women issue in the Republic of Korea mistook her personal experience as part of a “teishintai,” or women’s volunteer corps, for that of comfort women. Given that her own experience with “teishintai” entailed fixing her personal seal at her school, she thought the recruitment for the volunteer corps represented coercion. As shown by the fact that the recruitment of teishintai was made at the school level under a national mobilization order, that recruitment covered educated women, while most comfort women received only the low level of education or some without any school education. People in the Republic of Korea came to believe that comfort women were forcibly recruited due, first and foremost, to this misconception in the 1990s, rather than because comfort women lied, as claimed by those in Japan who deny the existence of comfort women.
Looking back to the colonial period, however, there had already been hearsay that “if you go to serve in the teishintai, you would become comfort women.” Comfort women were then described as those who “offer themselves” (volunteer) to “do things for soldiers.” As a matter of fact, comfort women were occasionally told to do things other than sexual consolation, including such tasks as nursing aid and laundry, and as such, the above cannot be brushed aside as a completely-mistaken notion (Korean comfort women were actually made to perform such activities as cleaning soldiers’ graves and laundry).
The percentage of former comfort women who testified that they had been taken by the military is rather small, at least judging from collections of their testimonies. And even in those cases, it is more likely that recruiters acting as civilian employees of the military appeared in military uniforms. In addition, the possibility cannot be entirely excluded that recruiters might have told them that they were going to serve in the teishintai as part of the national mobilization already under way at the time in a bid to make their recruitment work easier. It appears that recruiters were often pairs of Japanese and Korean men.
However, an overwhelming majority of testimonies said they had been deceived into being recruited as comfort women by, for example, being told that they would be taken to factories while they were alone or in a small group of women. In that sense, it should be understood that there was no forcible recruitment in the sense that they were taken by the military, or if any, they were still exceptional cases, or deviant actions by individuals. The author believes that it is wrong to conclude that the military, as an organization, engaged in the deceit or forcible recruitment (through its involvement in the planning and the consistent system of directions).
As for Dutch and Chinese women, the military was directly involved in the grouping and segregation of them for sexual labor, and the military’s actions literally represented forcible recruitment. In these cases, however, those women cannot be referred to as “comfort women” in the sense described above. While Japanese, Korean and Taiwanese women performed the role of supporting and heartening soldiers as women of Imperial Japan, the Japanese military’s actions against Dutch and Chinese women served the purpose of continuous rape of enemy women who were conquered. As all the women were simply categorized as the same kinds of victims, with no regard for the differences in their relationships with the Japanese military, those who denied or affirmed the existence of comfort women could not find common ground for the comprehension of the concepts of “forcible recruitment” and “comfort women,” thus further deepening the confusion surrounding the comfort women issue.
In the broad categorization, there are three types of women among people who are presumed to be comfort women since the comfort women issue emerged: (1) “comfort women” in the original sense of the term (this category should be viewed as members of a kind of national mobilization in a looser sense than the teishintai); (2) women working at privately-run facilities (including those that existed in occupied territories and battlefields from early on) that were designated and managed by the military from the perspective of maintaining good hygiene and so forth; and (3) enemy women captured in battlefields and subjected to continuous rape.
Of these types of women, Dutch and Chinese women were literally “forced” to provide sexual service. In the case of Korea where recruiters in military uniforms (who acted as civilian employees of the military) recruited women, as recruiters deceived them into becoming comfort women by telling them that they were being taken to serve in the teishintai (forcibly, albeit as part of the national mobilization facilitated by the creation of laws, but “voluntary” in form), it is highly likely that women with such experiences perceived them as forcible recruitment. In other words, rather than former comfort women telling lies (though it cannot be asserted definitively that there are absolutely no cases of lying), it is highly likely that recruiters, currently assumed to not exist, had lied.
7. The Japanese Military and Korean Comfort Women
Korean comfort women, in some locations, worked in kimono, given Japanese names. In other words, they were substituting for Japanese women. Comfort women carried different rates, with Japanese women going for the highest rates, followed by Korean women. Korean women, who would surely not have been involved under normal circumstances, were mobilized out of “patriotism” for Japan. In that sense, the presence of Korean comfort women was created by Japan’s colonial occupation, and in that regard, Japan is responsible for its colonial occupation. Furthermore, as Korean women arrived at comfort stations, they were often raped by military officers and army physicians, and during troop movements, Korean women, just because they were Koreans, were easily subjected to rape, in addition to designated sexual labor.
At the same time, when Korean women worked at military comfort stations, assembled for the state, they were structurally positioned as peers in a joint struggle against the enemy. There were cases where superiors clamped down on soldiers’ violence against Korean comfort women or the military intervened to regulate their exploitation by recruiters.
Depending on the area or the period of time, there is no doubt that comfort women underwent the inhumane experiences of having had to comfort an overwhelmingly large number of soldiers. At the same time, there were rules in place to protect comfort women from high-handed actions by soldiers or recruiters. Needless to say, there was no evidence that these rules were strictly observed, and Korean comfort women remained amid overall ethnic discrimination. While the notion that it is possible that love affairs existed between Korean comfort women and Japanese soldiers should not be entirely disregarded, that would not nullify exploitation within the structure that one came from the suzerain state and the other from the colony.
Some Korean comfort women, while traveling with troops on the front lines, underwent the inhumane experiences of being subjected to the insatiable carnal appetite of Japanese soldiers in the line of fire on battlefields and falling victim to gunfire and shelling. In other words, Korean women were put into such plight because of the colonial occupation by Japan, even if they earned some money under contract. Therefore, Japan’s responsibility for Korean comfort women should be accounted for first as its responsibility for the colonial occupation, ahead of its responsibility for the war.
8. Recruiters
While it is true that comfort women were recruited to meet the needs of the military, no testimonies or materials have been found until now to indicate that the Japanese military had officially sanctioned any abductions or lying about recruitment. Furthermore, in most cases, it was Japanese or Korean recruiters that forcibly recruited these women even by lying, coerced them to work even when they were sick, kept their eyes on them to keep them from escaping, or forced them to have abortions.
Some people assert that comfort women earned significant amounts of money, but many of them remained poor because of exploitation by recruiters and could not overcome debt.
Scars that remained on the bodies of former comfort women were frequently caused by recruiters. In many cases, violence against them was perpetrated by the military, but violence was banned officially.
Prof. Yoshimi asserts that comfort women had no freedom to choose where to live or to engage in business. But that was essentially because of restrictions imposed by recruiters and restrictions due to being in battle areas, and should be viewed in the same manner as the lack of freedom of movement for servicemen.
Simply put, criminal offenses related to comfort women, or actions that ran afoul of prevailing law at the time were abductions, kidnapping and human trafficking. It may be possible to view the use of comfort stations as morally problematic sin, but it is legally difficult to treat it as a criminal offense (that contravened prevailing law at the time). Compared with this, cases involving Dutch and Chinese women were clearly criminal offenses, and perpetrators were punished as individuals, not the military as a whole.
9. 200,000 Girls
The figure of 200,000represents the combined number of Japanese and Korean teishintai members recruited under national mobilization. An article of a South Korean newspaper in 1970 reported that the number was broken down into 150,000 Japanese women and 50,000-60,000 Korean women, and this number was later treated as the number of comfort women, also due in part to the misconception described above. In addition, as stated earlier, all of these comfort women did not necessarily work at military comfort stations established by the military.
Among those who became comfort women, there were actually only a small number of young girls, and girls still in their early teens were very few. Servicemen then also viewed such girls as exceptional cases. Many of those who came forward to reveal that they served as comfort women tended to emphasize that they were still young girls, and this may mean that they were actually those girls categorized as exceptional cases. In fact, most women who testified said that other people were older than me. Young girls are made to serve as prostitutes around the world, and in that sense, it may be conceivable that there actually were a lot of young girls who were comfort women. But that should be understood as resulting from the intentions of recruiters, not the intentions of the Japanese military. This is another problem that should be approached from various angles, but the actual average age of comfort women evidenced by documents left was over 20.
10. Returning Home after the War
Comfort women could not return home after Japan’s defeat in the war presumably because many had fallen victim to shelling in battlefields or caught up in suicidal attacks. Comfort women who were in China went through the same ordeals experienced by the so-called evacuees/returnees. Depending on where they were, returning home itself was difficult, and it is presumed that some died or were killed on the way back home. It should be understood that others came home or stayed behind where they were. It goes without saying that the Japanese military that mobilized them is responsible for having left them behind after the defeat. Nonetheless, in many cases, comfort women’s resentment towards being left behind is directed at recruiters, rather than the Japanese military. When comfort women were traveling with troops, they had to consider returning home amid losing battles. As such, the situations they found themselves in were quite varied, and in some cases, the military helped their return home.
11. Atonement and Compensation in the 1990s The Asian Women’s Fund (AWF), established by Japan in the 1990s for atonement and compensation for those who came forward as former comfort women, was not the result of legislation by the Japanese Diet as demanded by the victims, but something created based on the consensus of the Cabinet ministers of the time. Some members of the Diet made efforts to enact a relevant law, but for former comfort women in the Republic of Korea, no law was enacted because the issue of state-to-state reparations had been settled under the 1965 Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea and the existence or non-existence of forcible recruitment was the focal point of discussions then. The Fund was not created by legislation passed by the Japanese Diet, but represented the atonement and compensation based on the consensus of the Cabinet ministers of the Japanese Government. The Fund was criticized as a means of avoiding responsibility by those who called for legislation by the Japanese Diet, but it was in fact a means of taking responsibility by the Japanese Government, which considered state reparations as being out of the question, as individual compensation had been settled under the interstate treaty of 1965. Moreover, there were no grounds for legal responsibility, and instead the Japanese Government created the Fund to take moral responsibility. Initially, the Fund was said to be financed with donations from Japanese people, but medical and welfare subsidies equivalent to \3 million per person were paid out. While not explicitly being called “compensation payments” more than half of these payments delivered to former comfort women actually came from the national coffers. Ultimately, as much as 89% of the project’s expenses were financed by the Government. In that sense, the Fund was not simply a private-sector fund but represented efforts to provide atonement and compensation, made by the Japanese Government and Japanese people in concert.
12. The 1965 Settlement of the Past
The 1965 Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea was a treaty that addressed the aftermath of the war, and based on the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1952. It was not a treaty on the settlement of past colonial occupation. This explains why the Japan-Republic of Korea treaty contained no words of apology for the colonial occupation. In fact, compensation for requisition was limited to damages after the start of the Sino-Japanese War. However, because Korea was not an opponent in Japan’s war, and rather it fought alongside Japan, this compensation was for former Japanese citizens, like government pensions. The compensation mainly covered the ex-post treatment of savings and other monetary matters in the wake of the abrupt separation of Japan and Korea.
In addition, Japan at the time suggested that the individual right of claim should be left claimable individually. However, the Republic of Korea rejected the suggestion, asserting that the Republic of Korea, as the only state on the Korean Peninsula, should be given said right on behalf of individuals, apparently bearing in mind the presence of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea). In other words, the “Republic of Korea” asserted that it was the only legitimate country that could claim compensation (Bak-jin Chang), in light of the historical circumstances that it was in the midst of the severe Cold War era.
Initially , the Republic of Korea intended to claim compensation for the damage (human losses, etc.) caused by the colonial occupation. It is not clear why that demand was ultimately dropped, but it might be related to the dispute that is still ongoing—that the colonial occupation was lawful, and the colonization was the result of Korea’s own decision. It is true that at that time, other former empires never apologized for colonial occupation either, perhaps showing the limitations of thinking in those times. The 1965 treaty between Japan and the Republic of Korea in no way represented Japan’s apology for its colonial rule, but it was because the times had not ripened for former suzerain states to think of apologizing for colonial rule amid the Cold War and former colonized countries, caught in the backwash of the Cold War era, also hurried on with the settlement of the past.
13. The 1910 Annexation Treaty
Looking even further back on history, there is an argument that the Japan-Korea annexation treaty of 1910 was forcibly concluded and thus was illegal. Furthermore, if the conclusion of the treaty is construed to be illegal, Japan would naturally be held legally responsible for the colonial occupation. However, even when it was evident that the annexation was led by a small number of people, as long as the annexation came about through legal procedures (at that time) in the form of the treaty, on a practical level it is difficult to argue that it was illegal, though the argument may be ethically correct. The annexation came with the approval of major powers that also had colonies, such as the United States and the United Kingdom. The annexation may be regarded as illegal in that it was based solely on their own unilateral law, but as long as there exists a document showing that Korea itself endorsed the annexation, the reality is that Korea, unfortunately, cannot claim that it was illegal.
Nevertheless, the annexation, on which most of Korean people were not consulted nor notified cannot be described as having been truly approved of in that it had not obtained the consent or approval of most Koreans. However, after Korea’s representatives accepted the annexation, it was no longer illegal, however objectionable it was, and this should be understood to be part of the political limitations of the times. If future generations acknowledge that such laws were problematic (Japan’s apology made in the 1990s can already be viewed as an indirect acknowledgment of that fact), it is possible to argue that the annexation was not illegal because it had not violated the law but was morally problematic. In other words, the annexation was illegal in the sense that it was an act that was contrary to already determined rules, but as long as a value judgment was not made vis-à-vis the act (colonial occupation) during those years, it is difficult to determine that it was illegal. However, it is still possible to criticize the colonial occupation even without relying on law.
14. The Issue of Legality
What the Republic of Korea is demanding is reparations by Japan by acknowledging as illegal the military’s involvement in the recruitment of comfort women and the use of comfort stations (many Japanese supporters also argue in favor of this demand). However, as long as prostitution was not regarded as illegal in Japan at the time, it is difficult to determine that the military’s involvement was illegal, even when it was beginning to be internationally regarded as illegal at the time. In those years, even sexual violence was not punishable under law, and for this reason, men repeatedly carried out rape even without a sense of guilt.
However, human trafficking was recognized as illegal even during those years. Thus, the question is whether the Japanese military had given instructions to engage in human trafficking. Though the military appears to have tacitly approved actions that they knew were tantamount to human trafficking, they regulated such actions by rules. In that sense, the colonial occupation, rape or forcible mobilization (servicemen and the teishintai), though unfortunate, were not illegal at the time, and could not be helped, even though they certainly committed the sin of disregarding the positions of other ethnic groups or women. It was for this reason that Japan and the Republic of Korea in 1965 handled the individual right of claim not as war reparations as was the case among Allied countries but simply as the settlement of unresolved issues for former Japanese citizens.
15. Revisiting the Asian Women’s Fund
In that sense, the moral responsibility in the 1990s addressed precisely the atonement and compensation based on that, even if it was not a particularly conscious effort. Former comfort women who first raised the issue were recognized as existing as a result of the colonial occupation and compensation was intended for that. Furthermore, as was discussed above, it is somewhat difficult to call on Japan to take legal responsibility for the colonial occupation.
Italy and the United Kingdom have already offered their apologies for colonial occupation. As for Japan, former Prime Ministers Morihiro Hosokawa and Tomiichi Murayama have done so, too. However, though the comfort women issue was considered in relation to the colonial occupation, that approach disappeared over time, after former comfort women came forward in other countries and the comfort women issue came to be captured as a universal issue affecting all women. However, the comfort women issue in other countries/areas is considered to have been settled, at least tentatively, as they have accepted compensation through the Asian Women’s Fund. Since only Korean comfort women are currently demanding compensation by pointing to the illegal nature of the comfort women issue, it needs to be recaptured as the Republic of Korea issue. Moreover, some appropriate solutions should be considered, while bearing in mind all aspects of the situation anew. The approach to this issue as an issue of women’s human rights by considering it along with the women of the Netherlands, China and other countries does not shed light on the specific circumstance of Korean comfort women.
Some Japanese assert that other countries engaged in similar acts. However, if they were to pursue this line argument, they should call on the Netherlands and the other former colonial powers of the world to reflect on the problems caused by colonial occupation. Only by doing so would it be possible to make the United States, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands address this issue as one of their own, that is, of having mobilized women from their own country and others to satiate the carnal appetite men from their own countries and having had them continuously provide “comfort” to their servicemen and merchants.
16. Sexual Slavery
Korean comfort women were forced to perform the roles of paramilitary personnel. It is an indisputable fact that they faced miserable circumstances, but the key players who coerced them into forced labor were recruiters as well as the military. The slavery of these women in the sense that they had no freedom was first of all the result of the relationship with recruiters, called “masters.” The issue of sexual slavery should be considered from the perspective of the nature of that relationship.
These women were also slaves of the state in the sense that they were indirectly mobilized to meet the needs of the state and even their lives were treated as collateral (from being in battlefields, and becoming sick and overworked). They were no different from military servicemen in the sense that they had no freedom of movement, no freedom to get out of the business and no freedom even to defend their lives.
17. Kono Statement
The 1993 statement by then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono acknowledged that Korean women became comfort women “against their own will,” but did not acknowledge “forcible recruitment.” In other words, the Kono Statement noted that the process of being transferred was against their will and that sexual labor at comfort stations was not of their own choice, thus acknowledging the nature of structural coercion instead of the nature of physical coercion. The statement thus contained the words that accurately acknowledged that the existence of Korean comfort women was the result of Japan’s colonial occupation, even if they appear to have worked as comfort women voluntarily. In other words, the statement did not acknowledge the so-called nature of coercion, as asserted by those seeking a review of the Kono Statement, and since the “involvement of the military authorities of the day” in the establishment and management of comfort stations is a fact, there should be no need to review the Kono Statement.
18. Conflicts over the Settlement
The Fund created by the Japanese Government was viewed as a private-sector fund partly because of the way it was reported in the mass media. However, that recognition was generated primarily because the Japanese Government failed to fully explain its deep involvement in the Fund out of concern that this new compensation might run counter to the 1965 treaty. Nevertheless, while there were people who viewed the Fund as a compelling next-best policy, those people who strongly denounced the Japanese Government as shirking their responsibility and have until now denounced it over the comfort women issue had thought that legislation by the Japanese Diet alone would lead to the reform of Japanese society. As explained earlier, however, the focus on the forcible recruitment and the existence of the 1965 treaty make it difficult to regard the damage concerning comfort women as illegal acts by the state.
However, as a consequence, such assertions have substantially increased the number of people who resent discussions and such assertions over the comfort women issue in Japan over the past 20 years, particularly in the last 10 years. The parties involved should reflect upon the fact that their movement to solve the comfort women issue and build peace in Asia consequently generated conflicts against their intentions. Supporters held an international tribunal to brand the Japanese Emperor as a criminal, but such a movement could not enjoy broad consensus among the Japanese people. Subsequently, hate speech became prevalent in Japan, beginning with anti-Korean sentiment. At the root of these developments was resentment against the comfort women issue.
19. Global Views
From the 2000s onwards, activists adopted the approach of appealing to the international community instead of persuading the Japanese Government. As a result, the Coomaraswamy report and the majority of various other U.N. reports conclude that “as many as 200,000 young girls were forcibly taken to work as sex slaves and most of them were massacred after Japan’s defeat in the war.” Although resolutions adopted by parliaments of European countries and the United States were based on these reports, global denunciations of Japan are not necessarily correct, as seen above.
Dutch women also testified at the United Nations, and the Dutch case surely warranted the term “rape center.” However the situation face by Dutch women was fundamentally different from those of Korean and Japanese comfort women. Dutch women suffered as they resided in Indonesia, which was colonized by the Netherlands, but subsequently occupied by Japan. Therefore, it would not be appropriate for the Netherlands and other European countries and the United States, which had colonized many Asian countries, to denounce Japan alone.
20. Empires and Comfort Women
In the Republic of Korea, Okinawa and other places where the U.S. forces locate their bases, even now there are women who comfort soldiers sent far away from their homes. In other words, as was the case in Japan immediately after the end of the war, in the Republic of Korea during the Korean War as well as thereafter, military forces are continuing to create comfort women even at present. The only differences between them and the comfort women of the Japanese military are whether they were made aware of their role as being for the state and whether it was peacetime (but standing by for war) or wartime.
Those bases were previously established for the war or for the Cold War and continued to maintain their status. Now, it is the United States that is continuing to create comfort women in Japan and in the Republic of Korea. Needless to say, Japan and the Republic of Korea provide them and give tacit approval to the situation.
As states once established empires to expand the sphere of their political and economic influence, certain forces in specific countries seek global hegemony. It is truly ironic that the United States, which is at the core of such forces, continues to issue resolutions denouncing Japan for the comfort women issue.
Liberal forces that were supposed to be fighting for the weak generated conflicts between Japan and the Republic of Korea, apparently unwillingly so, and consequently helped accelerate the militarization and conservative swing of the Republic of Korea. Criticizing Japan in cooperation with North Korea would, in effect, mean playing a part in the continuation of the Cold War mindset.
Therefore, those who affirm the existence of former comfort women must shed this Cold War mindset, while deniers must become aware of the misery face by comfort women by understanding that they were not just prostitutes. Then, both side would surely be able to work towards a settlement of the comfort women issue by finding national consensus within Japan. To that end, it is desirable to first establish a bilateral consultative body at the initiative of the both governments where opposing camps can exchange views. To reach a consensus, it is essential for the consultative body to include former comfort women and third-party experts in addition to lobbying organizations. It is also desirable to set a time limit on discussions (meeting once a month for a period of six months, for example) and allow media access to such discussions for simultaneous reporting in both countries. This author personally believes that based on the results of discussions at this consultative body, the most desirable option is to adopt a Diet Resolution that incorporates the recognition that the existence of comfort women was the result of colonial occupation. Such an outcome would be significant in terms of (1) a fresh start for the efforts of the Asian Women’s Fund in the 1990s; (2) Japan’s critical response to resolutions adopted by European countries and the United States; and (3) redefinition of the self-perception of “postwar Japan” as “post-imperial Japan.”
<On the Discussions between Prof. Hata and Prof. Yoshimi>
On the views of Prof. Ikuhiko Hata
Hata views comfort women only as prostitutes, passing over the fact that they were coerced to show patriotism for Japan and particularly at comfort stations managed by the Japanese military, they supported soldiers as paramilitary personnel. They faced a miserable plight as prostitutes as well. They earned money and enjoyed their situation “because they worked for the military.” Hata tends to focus only on these aspects when they represented just part of their circumstances. For example, they enjoyed athletic festivals just to muddle through their hard life.
Hata believes that recruiters were all Koreans. In reality, recruiters came in pairs of Japanese and Korean recruiters in many cases.
Hata seeks to blame only Koreans. He argues that former comfort women do not say that they had been sold, but they are saying so in the collections of their testimonies.
Recruiters did not simply work under the urging of the military. Some recruiters were given the status of civilian employees of the military.
Women were checked apparently for the purpose of not allowing them to use such products, but this would mean that there were no problems as long as contracts were in place. However, as there were cases where women thought that they were to help the military apparently without acknowledging it, it cannot be argued that there were no problems as long as contracts were in place.
The movement did develop some political aspects, but that is attributable to only some of the participants. Most of participants in the movement should be considered to be acting simply out of goodwill.
On the views of Prof. Yoshiaki Yoshimi
It is correct to treat structural coercion as forcible recruitment in nature. However, as there are many people who construe that the military authorities have taken women to comfort stations, Yoshimi should give an accurate description of the differences.
Sexual slavery?Recruiters and the state were responsible for restricting the freedom of comfort women. Prostitutes also face slave-like circumstances.
It is highly likely that the world accepted the Republic of Korea’s arguments about the comfort women issue because of ulterior motives on the part of the movement that provided questionable materials, and on the part of European countries and the United States.
The severe livelihood of comfort women was brought about by recruiters. Inflation was not the only problem.
He failed to note the difference related to Dutch women.
There were some purely private-sector recruiters. Not all recruiters were civilian employees of the military. Those who went to the front lines were given the status of civilian employees of the military. While there were various types of comfort stations, Yoshimi only discusses comfort stations managed by the military.
Responsibility. While recruiters were responsible for human trafficking, Yoshimi does not refer to the responsibility of recruiters. It is true that the state did have a part in this. But there should be a distinction between the fact that the military knew about, gave instructions for and assisted it (the author is not entirely sure whether the use of ships alone amounted to assisting in human trafficking) and that the military knew and tacitly approved it or used it without knowing. There must have been differences depending on the periods of time and places. But he places all the blame on the military.
Yoshimi failed to note the self-motivation found in the nature of structural coercion. He argues that comfort women were sex slaves as they were brought to comfort stations as a result of human trafficking, but there were cases outside of that categorization. Above all, the “masters” of comfort women were recruiters.
Both historians only consider the evidence that suits their views, and both seem to have foregone conclusions. As long as that remains the case, even discussions between “historians” cannot probably find common ground.
＊ Both tend to emphasize only whether damage has been done or not. But the colony had both aspects.
＊ What should be considered is who will provide compensation for the misery of people mobilized by the motivations of the state (empire). Soldiers were part among these people. Comfort women as well. The private sector (permanent settlers and adults) also has no small responsibility for having played a part.
＊ The handling of the comfort women issue is thorny because the method of compensation was limited to one form despite the existence of a variety of cases.
＊ Comfort women were both prostitutes and innocent girls. Such a contradiction is indeed the contradiction of the colony. Things may have changed somewhat nowadays, but prostitutes were basically a role inflicted on the socially weak, and in that sense, they represent an issue of class and are created by social structure. They could not become the “masters” of their bodies and lives. It is precisely this recognition that should be the significance of considering the comfort women issue.[END TEXT]
にほんブログ村
You can believe (Time)
The truth is right here, and it’s amazing: After 13 years off
the air, The X-Files is officially returning to Fox as a limited
series.
Stars David Duchovny and Gillian Anderson are back on
board, along with creator Chris Carter.
“I think of it as a 13-year commercial break,” Carter said.
“The good news is the world has only gotten that much
stranger, a perfect time to tell these six stories.”
The only part of this huge news you might not like: There
are only sixepisodes planned.
“We had the privilege of working with Chris on all nine
seasons of The X-Files – one of the most rewarding
creative experiences of our careers – and we couldn’t
be more excited to explore that incredible world with
him again,” said Dana Walden and Gary Newman,
Chairmen and CEOs of Fox Television Group. “The
X-Files was not only a seminal show for both the studio
and the network, it was a worldwide phenomenon that
shaped pop culture – yet remained a true gem for the
legions of fans who embraced it from the beginning.
Few shows on television have drawn such dedicated
fans as The X-Files, and we’re ecstatic to give them the
next thrilling chapter of Mulder and Scully they’ve been
waiting for.”
The sci-fi procedural classic first premiered in 1993. It
became one of Fox’s first major breakout hits and a
pop-culture sensation that went on to last nine seasons
and spawn two feature films. The show also earned 16
Emmys and helped pave the way for other prime-time
sci-fi shows like ABC’s Lost and Fox’s Fringe. Once
again, the series will follow FBI special agents Scully
(Anderson) and Mulder (Duchovny) as they investigate
unexplained cases.
Carter’s “six stories” comment seems to suggest the
series will embrace the show’s original format of
focusing on stand-alone mysteries rather than delving
into the serialized alien conspiracy mythology that
dominated some of the show’s episodes and its first
feature film (at least, that’s what I want to believe).
The move follows Fox reviving another one of its hits,
24, for a shortened run last year. The X-Files deal has
been in the works since at least January when
executives told reporters at the network’s press tour
presentation that they were trying to revive the show.
The X-Files will start production this summer. There’s
no premiere date yet, and no word if other cast
members from the original series will return.
This article originally appeared on EW.com.
にほんブログ村
入国者『ゼロ』
にほんブログ村
씬 5. 파출소 안(저녁)
1- 다슬이가 머리핀을 만지작거리고 있다.
경찰E : 죄송합니다.
2- 경찰이 수경의 신분증을 확인하고 있다.
수경 : 가도 돼죠?
경찰 :잠깐만요, 신고가 들어 온거라...
수경 :아니 확인 하셨잖아요.
경찰 :죄송합니다. 그래도 신고인이 올 때까지 기다려 주셔야 합니다.
다슬이E :엄마, 이 머리핀 고장났어.
수경 :(돌아보며)응! 버리자, 엄마가 새로 사 줄께.
3-
다슬이 :안돼. 아빠한테 생일선물로 받은 거란 말이야.
진형이 들어온다.
다슬이 : 아빠!
진형 :그래.
경찰 :아니, 제대로 알아보지도 않고 유괴 신고를 하고 그러면 어떡합니까?
진형 : 예? 죄송합니다.
수경 : 다슬이가 너무 보고 싶었어.
진형 :(수경을 노려본 뒤)가자! 아빠가 얼마나 걱정했는지 알아.
진형이 다슬이를 데리고 나간다.
다슬이 수경에게 손을 흔들어 보인다.
シーン ５． 派出所 内（夕方）
１－タスリがヘアーピンをいじくりまわしている。
警察 Ｅ：申し訳ないです。
２－警察がスギョンの身分証を確認している。
スギョン：行っても、かまわないでしょう？
警察：ちょっと待ってください。申告者が来ますので（申告が入って来ると言ってますので．．．）
スギョン：だって（そうじゃなくて）、確認なさったじゃないですか。
警察：申し訳ないです。それも申告者が来るまでお待ちいただきたいのです。
タスリ Ｅ：お母さん、このヘアピン壊れちゃった。
スギョン：（振り返って見ながら）うん！ 捨てなさい。お母さんが新しいのを買ってあげるから。
３－
タスリ：ダメ。お父さんに誕生日のプレゼントに貰った物だから（物だという話だから）。
チニョンが入ってくる。
タスリ：お父さん！
チニョン：ああ そうだよ。
警察：ダメでしょう。キチンと調べてみもしないで、誘拐申告を出してどうするんですか？
チニョン：えっ？ すみません。
スギョン：タスリにとても会いたかったの。
チニョン：（スギョンを睨みつけた後）行こう！ お父さんがどんなに心配したか知ってるのか。
チニョンがタスリを連れて出て行く。
タスリはスギョンに手を振って見せる。
にほんブログ村
씬 4. 옥탑방 연습실(저녁)
1- 옥탑방에서 내려다 보이는 시내 전경
연습하는 소리가 들리고
2-영훈,진형,홍철이 연습을 하고 있다.
영훈 : 따라라 따라 A.....
홍철 : 야 다음달 말에나 올리자고?
영훈 :응, 두 달이면 충분하잖아?
진형 : 신곡은 다 만들었냐?
영훈 : 두 곡 정도는 됐어. 나머진 지금 만드는 중인데,
어! 홍철이 너 노랫말 쓰기로 한 거 빨리 줘야지.
홍철 : 알구있어. 알고 있어. 아직 영감이 안 떠올라서 그래.
진형 : 한 곡 정도는 기존 포크송을 부르기로 했잖아.
영훈 : 그래, 뭘로 할 건지는 세진이 오면 같이 의논해 보지 뭐.
홍철 : 야, 그 놈 안 오는 거 아냐?
영훈 : 늦게라도 올꺼야.
진형의 핸드폰이 울린다.
2- 진형이 부엌 쪽으로 가 전화를 받는다.
진형 : 네, 예, 예, 선생님.
예, 하하......예, 예.
다슬인 아까 제가 학원 앞에 내려주고 왔는데요?.... 예.
네? 안 왔어요? 무슨 소리예요?
예 알았습니다. 지금 갈께요.
シーン ４． 屋上部屋 練習室（夏）
１－屋上部屋から見下ろす市内の前景
練習している音が聞こえて
２－ヨンフン、チニョン、ホンチョルが練習している。
ヨンフン：タララ タラ ア．．．
ホンチョル：おい 来月末にやるって言ったか？（演奏会）
ヨンフン：うん、2ヶ月なら十分だよな？
チニョン：新曲はみんな作るのか？
ヨンフン：2曲ぐらいになるよ。残りは今作っているところだよ。お！ ホンチョルがお前の歌詞を書くことにしたから早くしなくちゃ。（？）
ホンチョル：分かったよ。分かったって。まだインスピレーションが浮かばないんだよ。
チニョン：1曲ぐらいは昔のフォークソングを歌うことにすればいいじゃないか。
ヨンフン：そうだな、何をするかについては、細かいことはやりながら、一緒に議論してみようや。
ホンチョル：あっ、その曲は聞いた（みた）ことない曲じゃないか？
ヨンフン：後で（遅れて）出来上げる（来る）つもりだよ。
チニョンの携帯が鳴る。
２－チニョンが台所の方へ行って電話を受ける。
チニョン：はい、えっ、えっ、先生。えっ、ははは．．．えっ、えっ、
タスリはさっき私が、学園の前に送って行った（送ってあげて来た）のですが？ えっ、はい？ 来ていない？ どういう意味ですか？（何の話（声）でしょうか？） はい 分かりました。 今から行きます。
にほんブログ村
씬 3. 구청 화장실 입구(낮)
1- 화장실에 들어가려는 세진을 중년신사가 따라와 불러 세운다.
중년신사 : 한계장, 아 한계장 내 말 좀 들어봐.
아니, 왜 내 땅을 내 맘대로 못한다는 건지
난 거 도저히 이해가 안 가는데....
세진 : 사장님, 더 이상 드릴 말씀이 없어요.
중년신사 : 저 그러지 말고 한계장,
세진 :사장님 저 좀 급하거든요.
중년신사 :아 저 한계장. 우리 그러지말고.
어디 조용한데 가서 우리 인간적으로 이야기해 봅시다.
세진 :사장님, 아시다시피 거긴 개발제한구역 이잖습니까.
게다가 자연 녹지라서요.
개발이 되면 인근 주민들 반발이 아주 커질거예요.
어떻게 책임지실라 그래요.
중년신사: 아 나 이것 참
シーン３． 区役所 トイレの入り口（昼）
１－トイレに入ろうとするセジンを中年紳士が追ってきて呼び止める。
そうじゃないですよ、どうして私の土地を私が自由に出来ないのかということが
私には（それが）到底理解できないんですが、、、、
ところに行って、私たち人間らしく話をしてみましょう。
上に自然緑地なんですよ。開発されれば近隣住民たちの反発が大きくなりますよ。
どのように して責任を取ろうというんですか。（どうして責任になるということ
をそうするのですか。）
にほんブログ村
씬 2. 구청(낮)
선주 : 어머, 민규가 벌써 이렇게 컸어요? 어휴 많이 이뻐졌네요.
3- 선주가 자리에 앉으며 수줍게 웃는다.
선주 : 왜요? 소개시켜 주시게요?
4- 세진이 빙긋이 웃는다.
세진 : 잘만 보이면 그럴 수도 있지.
にほんブログ村
浙江省普通话测试朗读作品12号
（原作品14号）
读小学的时候，我的外祖母去世了。外祖母生前最疼爱我，我无法排除自己的忧伤，每天在学校的操场上一圈儿又一圈儿地跑着，跑得累倒在地上，扑在草坪上痛哭。
那哀痛的日子，断断续续地持续了很久，爸爸妈妈也不知道如何安慰我。他们知道与其骗我说外祖母睡着了，还不如对我说实话：外祖母永远不会回来了。
“什么是永远不会回来呢？”我问着。
“所有时间里的事物，都永远不会回来。你的昨天过去，它就永远变成昨天，你不能再回到昨天。爸爸以前也和你一样小，现在也不能回到你这么小的童年了；有一天你会长大，你会像外祖母一样老；有一天你度过了你的时间，就永远不会回来了。”爸爸说。
爸爸等于给我一个谜语，这谜语比课本上的“日历挂在墙壁，一天撕去一页，使我心里着急”和“一寸光阴一寸金，寸金难买寸光阴”还让我感到可怕；也比作文本上的“光阴似箭，日月如梭”更让我觉得有一种说不出的滋味。
时间过得那么飞快，使我的小心眼儿里不只是着急，而是悲伤。有一天我放学回家，看到太阳快落山了，就下决心说：“我要比太阳更快地回家。”我狂奔回去，站在庭院前喘气的时候，看到太阳//还露着半边脸，我高兴地跳跃起来，那一天我跑赢了太阳。以后我就时常做那样的游戏，有时和太阳赛跑，有时和西北风比快，有时一个暑假才能做完的作业，我十天就做完了；那时我三年级，常常把哥哥五年级的作业拿来做。 每一次比赛胜过时间，我就快乐得不知道怎么形容。
如果将来我有什么要教给我的孩子，我会告诉他：假若你一直和时间比赛，你就可以成功！
——节选自（台湾）林清玄《和时间赛跑》
Dú xiǎoxué de shíhou，wǒ de wàizǔmǔ qùshì le．Wàizǔmǔ shēngqián zuì téng'ài wǒ，wǒ wúfǎ páichú zìjǐ de yōushāng，měi tiān zài xuéxiào de cāochǎng·shàng yīquānr yòu yī quānr de pǎozhe，pǎo de lèidǎo zài dì·shàng，pūzài cǎopíng·shàng tòngkū．
Nà āitòng de rìzǐ，duànduàn-xùxù de chíxùle hěn jiǔ，bàbɑ māmɑ yě bù zhī·dào rúhé ānwèi wǒ．Tāmen zhī·dào yǔqí piàn wǒ shuō wàizǔmǔ shuìzháole，hái bùrú duì wǒ shuō shíhuà：Wàizǔmǔ yǒng yuǎn bù huì huí·lái le．
“Shénme shì yǒngyuǎn bù huì huí·lái ne？”wǒ wènzhe．
“Suǒyǒu shíjiān·lǐ de shìwù，dōu yǒngyuǎn bù huì huí·lái．Nǐ de zuótiān guò·qù，tā jiù yǒngyuǎn biàn chéng zuótiān，nǐ bùnéng zài huídào zuótiān．Bàbɑ yǐqián yě hé nǐ yīyàng xiǎo，xiànzài yě bùnéng huídào nǐ zhème xiǎo de tóngnián le；yǒu yī tiān nǐ huì chángdà，nǐ huì xiàng wàizǔmǔ yīyàng lǎo；yǒu yī tiān nǐ dùguole nǐ de shíjiān，jiù yǒngyuǎn bù huì huí·lái le．”Bàbɑ shuō．
Bàbɑ děngyú gěi wǒ yī gè míyǔ，zhè míyǔ bǐ kèběn·shàng de “Rìlì guà zài qiángbì，yī tiān sī·qù yī yè，shǐ wǒ xīn·lǐ zháojí”hé “Yīcùn guāngyīn yī cùn jīn，cùn jīn nán mǎi cùn guāngyīn”hái ràng wǒ gǎndào kěpà；yě bǐ zuòwénběn·shàng de “Guāngyīn sì jiàn，rìyuè rú suō”gèng ràng wǒ jué·dé yǒu yī zhǒng shuō·bùchū de zīwèi．
Shíjiān guò de nàme fēikuài，shǐ wǒ de xiǎo xīnyǎnr·lǐ bù zhǐshì zháojí，háiyǒu bēishāng．Yǒu yī tiān wǒ fàngxué huíjiā，kàndào tài·yáng kuài luòshān le，jiù xià juéxīn shuō：“Wǒ yào bǐ tài·yáng gèng kuài de huíjiā．”Wǒ kuángbēn huíqù，zhànzài tíngyuàn qián chuǎnqì de shíhou，kàndào tài·yáng //hái lòuzhe bànbiān liǎn，wǒ gāoxìng de tiàoyuè qǐ·lái，nà yī tiān wǒ pǎoyíngle tài·yáng．Yǐhòu wǒ jiù shícháng zuò nàyàng de yóuxì，yǒushí hé tài·yáng sàipǎo，yǒu shí hé xīběifēng bǐ kuài，yǒushí yī gè shǔjià cái néng zuòwán de zuòyè，wǒ shí tiān jiù zuòwánle；nà shí wǒ sān niánjí，chángcháng bǎ gēge wǔ niánjí de zuòyè ná·lái zuò．Měi yī cì bǐsài shèngguo shíjiān，wǒ jiù kuàilè de bù zhī·dào zěnme xíngróng．
Rúguǒ jiānglái wǒ yǒu shénme yào jiàogěi wǒ de háizi，wǒ huì gàosù tā：jiǎruò nǐ yīzhí hé shíjiān bǐsài，nǐ jiù kěyǐ chénggōng！
——Jiéxuǎn zì（Táiwān）Lín Qīngxuán《Hé Shíjiān Sàipǎo》
浙江省普通话测试朗读作品12号
（原作品14号）
小学校で学んでいた頃、外祖母が亡くなった。
祖母は私を溺愛していたので、私は自分の悲しみをどうすることも出来ず（排除することが出来ず）、毎日学校の校庭を１周また１周と走り続け、走り疲れて地面に倒れると、芝生を叩いて激しく泣いた。
そんな悲しみにくれる日々が断続的に長く続いた。父母も私を何と言って慰めたらいいのか分からなかった。祖母は眠っているんだと私を騙すよりもむしろ私に真実を伝えた方がいいと彼らには分かっていた。祖母はもう二度と帰ってこないと。
『どうして二度と会えないの？』と私は尋ねた。『ある時間のなかで起こったことは、もう二度と同じことは起こらないのだよ。お前に昨日起こったことは過去のことだ。それは永遠に昨日のことになってしまったんだよ。お前がもう一度昨日をやり直すことなど出来ないのさ。父さんもお前と同じぐらい小さい時があったけれど、今はもうお前と同じような子供には戻れないんだよ。：いつかお前が大きくなって、お婆ちゃんのようになるかもしれない：いつかお前も自分の時間を過ごし、その時間というのは永遠に帰ってこないものになるんだよ。』と父親は言った。
父親のこの言葉は私に謎々を与えたに等しい。この謎々は教科書に書かれている『壁にかかっている日めくりを毎日一枚ずつ破り捨てるように私を焦らせた』や『一寸の光陰軽んずべからず、金で時間は買えない。』（などの陳腐な表現）よりもっと私の心の深いところまで届いた（に恐怖を感じさせた）：さらに作文の本に書かれている『光陰矢のごとし』よりもさらに私に言い表せない味わいのあるものを感じさせた。
時間が経つのは何と速いことだろう。了見の狭い私は焦るのではなく、心が痛んだ。ある日、下校し家に帰るとき、太陽が山に沈むのを見た。そして決心して言った：『私は太陽が沈むより先に家に帰りたい。』私は一目散に家に駆けて帰った。家の庭にたたずみ一息入れたとき、太陽はまだ半分地平線から出ていた。私は嬉しくて小躍りした。その日私は太陽に走り勝ったのだ。
それ以後私はよくそんなゲームをした。あるときは太陽と駆けっこをしたり、あるときは北西風と駆けっこしたり、あるときは夏休みの宿題をするのを１０日で仕上げたりした。：そのとき私は３年生だった。よく兄さんの５年生の宿題を持って来てやった。競争に勝つたびに私はなんとも形容しがたい快感を得るのだった。
もし将来何かがあれば子供に教えたいと思う。私は彼に言うだろう。：もしお前が時間とずっと競争していけば、お前はきっと成功するだろうと。
——节选自（台湾）林清玄《和时间赛跑》
にほんブログ村
浙江省 普通话 测试 朗读 作品 11 号
zhèjiāngshěng pǔtōnghuà cèshì lǎngdú zuòpǐn 11 hào
（ 原 作品 13 号 ）右クリックして『新しいタブで開く。』を押してください。音が出ます。
（ yuán zuòpǐn 13 hào ）
生命 在 海洋 里 诞生 绝 不是 偶然 的 ， 海洋 的 物理 和 化学性质 ， 使 它 成为 孕育 原始 生命 的 摇篮 。
shēngmìng zài hǎiyáng lǐ dànshēng jué bùshi ǒurán de , hǎiyáng de wùlǐ hé huàxuéxìngzhì , shǐ tā chéngwéi yùnyù yuánshǐ shēngmìng de yáolán .
生命が海で発生したのは決して偶然ではない。海はその物理的、化学的性質を使って原始生命を発生させ育てたのだ。
我们 知道 ， 水 是 生物 的 重要 组成部分 ， 许多 动物 组织 的 含水量 在 百分之 八 十 以上 ， 而 一些 海洋生物 的 含水量 高达 百分之 九 十 五 。
wǒmen zhīdào , shuǐ shì shēngwù de zhòngyào zǔchéngbùfen , xǔduō dòngwù zǔzhī de hánshuǐliàng zài bǎifēnzhī bā shí yǐshàng , ér yīxiē hǎiyángshēngwù de hánshuǐliàng gāodá bǎifēnzhī jiǔ shí wǔ .
水は生き物にとって重要な構成成分であり、多くの動物の組織の含水率は80％以上で、そしてある海洋生物の含水率は95％に達するということを私たちは知っている。
水 是 新陈代谢 的 重要 媒介 ， 没有 它 ， 体内 的 一系列 生理 和生 物化 学 反应 就 无法 进行 ， 生命 也 就 停止 。
shuǐ shì xīnchéndàixiè de zhòngyào méijiè , méiyǒu tā , tǐnèi de yīxìliè shēnglǐ héshēng wùhuà xué fǎnyìng jiù wúfǎ jìnxíng , shēngmìng yě jiù tíngzhǐ .
水は新陳代謝の重要な役割を果たし、それなくしては、体内の一連の生理的、生物化学的反応がまったく進まなくなり、死んでしまう。
因此 ， 在 短时期 内 动物 缺水 要 比 缺少 食物 更加 危险 。
yīncǐ , zài duǎnshíqī nèi dòngwù quēshuǐ yào bǐ quēshǎo shíwù gèngjiā wēixiǎn .
だから、食物が少ないことに比べて水がないことは動物が短時間でもっと危険になる。
水 对 今天 的 生命 是 如此 重要 ， 它 对 脆弱 的 原始 生命 ， 更是 举足轻重 了 。
shuǐ duì jīntiān de shēngmìng shì rúcǐ zhòngyào , tā duì cuīruò de yuánshǐ shēngmìng , gēngshì jǔzúqīngzhòng le .
水は現在の生命に対して、このように重要であり、原始生命に対してはさらに重要だった。
生命 在 海洋 里 诞生 ， 就 不会 有 缺水 之 忧 。
shēngmìng zài hǎiyáng lǐ dànshēng , jiù bùhuì yǒu quēshuǐ zhī yōu .
生命は海で生まれたから、水がなくなるという恐れなどなかった。
水 是 一种 良 好 的 溶剂 。
shuǐ shì yīzhǒng liáng hǎo/hào de róngjì .
水はすばらしい溶剤である。
海洋 中 含有 许多 生命 所 必需 的 无 机 盐 ， 如 氯化钠 、 氯化钾 、 碳酸盐 、 磷酸盐 ， 还有 溶解氧 ， 原始 生命 可以 毫不费力 地 从中 吸取 它 所 需要 的 元素 。
hǎiyáng zhōng hányǒu xǔduō shēngmìng suǒ bìxū de wú jī yán , rú lǜhuànà 、 lǜhuàjiǎ 、 tànsuānyán 、 línsuānyán , háiyǒu róngjiěyǎng , yuánshǐ shēngmìng kěyǐ háobùfèilì dì cóngzhōng xīqǔ tā suǒ xūyào de yuánsù .
海水の中にはたくさんの生命にとり必須のミネラル、たとえば食塩、塩化カリウム、重炭酸ナトリウム、燐酸ナトリウム、さらには溶解酸素、原始生命は労せずに海水中から必要とする元素を吸収できたのである。
水具 有 很 高 的 热 容量 ， 加之 海洋 浩大 ， 任凭 夏季 烈日 曝晒 ， 冬季 寒风 扫荡 ， 它 的 温度 变化 却 比较 小 。
shuǐjù yǒu hěn gāo de rè róngliàng , jiāzhī hǎiyáng hàodà , rènpíng xiàjì lièrì pùshài , dōngjì hánfēng sǎodàng , tā de wēndù biànhuà què bǐjiào xiǎo .
水それ自身が高い熱容量を持ち、くわえて海洋は広大で、たとえ夏の厳しい日光に晒されようと、冬の寒風に晒されようと、その温度の変化は比較的小さい。
因此 ， 巨大 的 海洋 就 像是 天然 的 “ 温 箱 ” 。 是 孕育 原始 生命 的 温床 。
yīncǐ , jùdà de hǎiyáng jiù xiàngshì tiānrán de “ wēn xiāng ” . shì yùnyù yuánshǐ shēngmìng de wēnchuáng .
このことにより、巨大な海洋はまるで天然の温室の様である。これが原始生命を育てる温床になったのだ。
阳光 虽然 为 生命 所 必需 ， 但是 阳光 中 的 紫外线 却 有 扼杀 原始 生命 的 危险 。
yángguāng suīrán wéi/wèi shēngmìng suǒ bìxū , dànshì yángguāng zhōng de zǐwàixiàn què yǒu èshā yuánshǐ shēngmìng de wēixiǎn .
日光は生命にとり必要とはいいながら、日光に含まれる紫外線はかえって原始生命を殺してしまう危険がある。
水能 有效 地 吸收 紫外线 ， 因而 又 为 原始 生命 提供 了 天然 的 “ 屏障 ” 。
shuǐnéng yǒuxiào dì xīshōu zǐwàixiàn , yīnér yòu wéi/wèi yuánshǐ shēngmìng tígòng le tiānrán de “ píngzhàng ” .
水には紫外線を吸収する機能があり、さらには原始生命のために、天然の‘盾’になった。
这 一切 都 是 原始 生命 得以 产生 和 发展 的 必要条件 。 / /
zhè yīqiè dōu shì yuánshǐ shēngmìng déyǐ chǎnshēng hé fāzhǎn de bìyàotiáojiàn . / /
これらのことはみんな原始生命が発生し、発展する必要条件であった。
— — 节选 自 童 裳 亮 《 海洋 与 生命 》
— — jiéxuǎn zì tóng cháng/shang liàng 《 hǎiyáng yǔ shēngmìng 》
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読解もやっとシナリオ部分には入れます。
* 제작 지오 엔터테인먼트
* 제공 일신창업투자
* 산책
씬 1. 레코드 숍(아침)
1- 레코드 숍이 보이고, 출근하는 사람들이 바쁘게 오간다.
2- 영훈이 청소를 하고 있다. 구두 수선집 아저씨와 인사를 나눈다.
아저씨 :안녕하세요.
영훈 : 안녕하세요.
재잘거리며 뛰어가는 등교길 아이들.
3- 영훈이 출입구에 ‘종업원 구함’을 붙힌다.
세진E : 야,야,야 그거 잘못 쓴 거 아냐?
4- 세진이 웃으며 서 있다. 뒤로는 다른 공무원들이 지나간다.
세진 :‘마누라 구함’ 이라고 해야지. 마누라 구함.
5- 영훈과 세진이 이야기를 나눈다.
영훈 : 인제 출근하니?
세진 : 그랬다간 진작 짤렸지. 여차하면 구조조정 당할 판인데
영훈 : 그럼, 웬일이야?
세진 : 아휴, 아침부터 이 짓하다 들어간다.
영훈 : 하하하하 야 오늘 연습 있는 거 알지?
세진 : 맞다. 난 오늘 늦을 것 같은데 어떻하니, 아휴.
영훈 : 오늘 첫 연습인데...?
세진 : 오늘 하필이면 회의다. 최대한도로 빨리 갈께.
이때, 부르는 소리
여직원E :계장님!
세진 :갈께
영훈 :그래 가 봐.
세진 :야, 근데 이 음악 좀 바꿔라. 지겹지도 않니?
아휴, 라디오 시그날 뮤직도 1년이면 바꾼다는데.
영훈 : 가.
製作 ジオ エンターテインメント
提供 イルシン創業投資
散策
シーン１. レコード店（朝）
１-レコード店が見えて、出勤する人々が忙しそうに行き来している。
２-ヨンフンが掃除をしている。靴の修繕屋のおじさんと挨拶を交わす。
おじさん：おはようございます。
ヨンフン：おはようございます。
騒がしい通りだけれど駆けて行く通学路（登校）の子供たち
３-ヨンフンが出入り口に’従業員 求む’を貼り付ける。
セジン 登場（Ｅ）：よう、よう、よう、それは書き間違いじゃないか？
４-セジンが笑いながら立っている。後ろの道は他の公務員たちが通り過ぎていく。
セジン：’嫁さん募集’としないといけないだろ。’嫁さん 求む’
５-ヨンフンとセジンが話をする。（交わす）
ヨンフン：いま 出勤か？
セジン：そんなことしていたら とっくに首だよ。いざとなったらリストラされちゃうよ（構造調整される場面だよ）。
ヨンフン；それじゃ、何なんだよ？
セジン：アヒュー、朝からこの仕事をしに出て来たんだよ。
ヨンフン：はははは やぁ今日は練習があるのを知っているだろ？
セジン：そうだった（当たった）。俺、今日は遅くなるみたいなんだけど、どうすればいいかな、アヒュー。
ヨンフン：今日は始めての練習なんだけど．．．？
セジン：今日はよりによって会議だ。出来るだけ早く（最大限度で）行くから。
そのとき、呼ぶ声。
女性職員Ｅ：係長！
セジン：またな（行くぜ）
ヨンフン：もういいから、行け（行ってみろ）
セジン：ああそうだ、あのな この音楽チョット変えろ。ウンザリしてこないのか？アヒュ、ラジオ放送（シグナル）のミュージックでも1年経てば変えるというのに。
ヨンフン：もう行け。
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LAST weekend’s shootings in Copenhagen seemed to imitate those that took place in Paris a month earlier, which also targeted cartoonists who had made fun of the Prophet Muhammad. Yet Denmark has been grappling with such questions for longer. The long-running “Danish cartoons” debate began in 2005 when the newspaper Jyllands-Postenpublished satirical drawings of Muhammad, leading to protests around the world. To outsiders, it may seem surprising that such a row began in Denmark, which many picture as a free-thinking oasis devoted to generous social-welfare schemes and religious, ethnic, sexual and countercultural tolerance. Yet Denmark experienced a particularly sharp and early version of Europe’s debate over multiculturalism and Islam. For years, even liberal Danish politicians have been calling multiculturalism a “failure”. Why?
Denmark’s lefty image, if it was ever accurate, is at least 15 years out of date. In the late 1990s the Danish People’s Party (DPP), founded by Pia Kjaersgaard, began to denounce immigration, multiculturalism and Islam as alien to Danish society and values. The party tapped into fears of rising crime and fed on the resentment of working-class and conservative Danes who felt ignored by the liberal governing elite. From 2001 until 2011 the DPP’s support was needed by minority centre-right coalition governments run by the liberals and conservatives. In exchange, the DPP gained partial control of Denmark’s immigration policy, which quickly became among the most restrictive in Europe.
Denmark prides itself on an exceptionally open and frank political culture. The new right-wing politicians were willing to be very frank indeed. Ms Kjaersgaard accused Danish Muslims of living at a “lower stage of civilisation, with their own primitive and cruel customs”. The party has lost influence since a centre-left government was elected in 2011, but its restrictive immigration and asylum policies have become accepted across the political spectrum. The generosity of the country’s social-security net has made people quicker to accuse immigrants of exploiting it. Meanwhile, a highly cohesive and demanding civic culture, which was the basis of Denmark’s liberal social-welfare policies, has alienated anyone who finds it hard to conform. This has made the country fertile ground for Islamist recruitment. Over 100 Danish jihadists have gone to Syria and Iraq, one of the highest rates per person in Europe.
It would be a mistake to see Denmark’s 50-year-long encounter with immigrants from Muslim countries as a failure, or to treat Danish Muslims as a coherent, problematic group. They hail from Morocco, Somalia, Turkey and Denmark itself; most are simply Danes whose religion is Islam, as Danish as anyone else. For a minority, poor integration policies and a reluctance to conform to local norms have led to isolation, while modern Islamism has provided a new identity to claim and a violent way to assert it. Mainstream society has reacted to that violence by reasserting its own norms and values, widening the gulf. A similar process is playing out in almost every country in western Europe. If Denmark’s story is different from those of the Netherlands, Britain, France, Belgium and the rest, it is mainly because Denmark seems to have been a few years ahead of the curve.
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Anastasia "Ana" Steele is a 21-year-old college senior attending Washington State University inVancouver, Washington. Her best friend is Katherine "Kate" Kavanagh, who writes for the college newspaper. Due to an illness, Kate persuades Ana to take her place and interview 27-year-old Christian Grey, a successful and wealthy young entrepreneur in Seattle. Ana is instantly attracted to Christian, but also finds him intimidating. As a result, she stumbles through the interview and leaves Christian's office believing it went badly. Ana consoles herself by thinking they will never meet again. However, Christian appears at the hardware store where she works. While he purchases various items including cable ties, masking tape and rope, Ana informs Christian that Kate would like some photographs to go along with her article about him. Christian gives Ana his phone number. Later, Kate urges Ana to call Christian and arrange a photo shoot with their photographer friend, José Rodriguez.
The next day José, Kate, and Ana arrive for the photo shoot at the Heathman Hotel where Christian is staying. Christian asks Ana out for coffee. He asks if she's dating anyone, specifically José. Ana replies that she is not dating anyone. During the conversation, Ana learns that Christian is also single, but he says he is no romantic. Ana is intrigued but believes she is not attractive enough for Christian. Later, Ana receives a package from Christian containing first edition copies of Tess of the d'Urbervilles, which stuns her. Later that night, Ana goes out drinking with her friends and ends up drunk dialingChristian, who informs her that he will be coming to pick her up because of her inebriated state. Ana goes outside to get some fresh air, and José attempts to kiss her, but he is stopped by Christian's arrival. Ana leaves with Christian, but not before she discovers that Kate has been flirting with Christian's brother, Elliot. Later, Ana wakes to find herself in Christian's hotel room, where he scolds her for not taking proper care of herself. Christian then reveals that he would like to have sex with her. He initially says that Ana will first have to fill out paperwork, but later goes back on this statement after making out with her in the elevator.
Ana goes on a date with Christian where he takes her in his helicopter, Charlie Tango, to his apartment. Once there, Christian insists that she sign a non-disclosure agreement forbidding her to discuss anything that they do together, which Ana agrees to sign. He also mentions other paperwork, but first takes her to his playroom full of BDSM toys and gear. There Christian informs her that the second contract will be one of dominance and submission and that there will be no romantic relationship, only a sexual one. The contract even forbids Ana from touching Christian or making eye contact with him. At this point, Christian realizes that Ana is a virgin and agrees to take her virginity without making her sign the contract. The two then have sex. The following morning, Ana and Christian once again have sex. His mother then arrives moments after their sexual encounter, and is surprised by the meeting, having previously thought Christian was homosexual because he was never seen with a woman. Christian later takes Ana out to eat, and he reveals to her that he lost his virginity at fifteen to one of his mother's friends, Elena Lincoln, and that his previous dominant/submissive relationships (Christian reveals that in his first dominant/submissive relationship he was the submissive) failed due to incompatibility. They plan to meet up again and Christian takes Ana home, where she discovers several job offers and admits to Kate that she and Christian had sex.
Over the next few days, Ana receives several packages from Christian. These include a laptop to enable her to perform research on the BDSM lifestyle in consideration of the contract, as well as for the two of them to communicate, since she has never previously owned a computer, and a more detailed version of the dominant/submissive contract. She and Christian email each other, with Ana teasing him and refusing to honor parts of the contract, such as only eating foods from a specific list. Ana later meets up with Christian to discuss the contract, only to grow overwhelmed by the potential BDSM arrangement and the potential of having a sexual relationship with Christian that is not romantic in nature. Because of these feelings, Ana runs away from Christian and does not see him again until her college graduation, where he is a guest speaker. During this time, Ana agrees to sign the dominant/submissive contract. Ana and Christian once again meet up to further discuss the contract, and they go over Ana's hard and soft limits. Ana is spanked for the first time by Christian; the experience leaves her both enticed and slightly confused. This confusion is exacerbated by Christian's lavish gifts, and the fact that he brings her to meet his family. The two continue with the arrangement without Ana having yet signed the contract. After successfully landing a job with Seattle Independent Publishing (SIP), Ana further bristles under the restrictions of the non-disclosure agreement and her complex relationship with Christian. The tension between Ana and Christian eventually comes to a head after Ana asks Christian to punish her in order to show her how extreme a BDSM relationship with him could be. Christian fulfills Ana's request, beating her with a belt, only for Ana to realize that the two of them are incompatible. Devastated, Ana leaves Christian and returns to the apartment she shares with Kate.
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강변도로를 달리는 차에 영훈과 친구들이 악기를 들고 타고 있다. 그들의 얼굴엔 불안함과 초조함이 가득하다. 그들이 도착한 곳은 수목원. 영훈의 레코드 가게에서 흘러나오는 영훈과 친구들의 음악을 좋아하던 수목원 원장이 얘기하던 공연장이 바로 수목원이다. 청중들도 가득하다.
수목원 가득히 메운 아름드리 나무들. 리허설이 끝나고 공연이 시작되면 아름드리 나무들 뿐 아니라 연화, 아버지, 세희, 수경, 다슬이, 박국장과 그의 아들 …………
청중과 나무들을 하나로 묶어놓은 음악이 아버지의 산책로 사진 위로 아름답게 흐른다.
川沿いの道路を走る車にヨンフンと友達が楽器を配置して立っていた。彼らの顔には不安と焦りがみなぎっていた（いっぱいである）。彼らが到着したところは樹木園。ヨンフンのレコード店から聞こえてくる（流れ出てくる）ヨンフンと友達の歌を良しとした樹木園の園長が話していた公演場がまさしく（ちょうど）樹木園だ。聴衆たちもいっぱいだ。
樹木園ぎっしりに埋めたたくさんの（ひとかかえの）木々、リハーサルが終わり公演が始まるとたくさんの木々だけではなくヨンファ、父親、セフィ、スギョン、タスリ、朴区長とその息子・・・ ・・・
聴衆と木々をひとつにまとめている音楽が父親の散策路の写真の上に美しく流れていた。
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콘서트 날짜는 다가오고 영훈과 세진, 진형, 홍철은 연습실에서 연습에 여념이 없다. 이제서야 각자의 사연으로 바쁘기만 하던 멤버 전원이 모인 것이다. 그때 울리는 전화. 영훈의 아버지가 쓰러졌다는 것이다. 영훈은 병원으로 달려간다. 음악회 시간을 다가오지만 연습은 중단됐다. 이번에는 다들 바쁘다며 미뤄오던 일들을 혼자 해내던 영훈이 빠졌기 때문에.
영훈의 간호를 받으면서도 통 말이 없던 아버지의 입에서 웃음이 번진다. 연화가 돌아온 것이다. 영훈의 노래를 부르는 연화는 더 이상 단란주점에서 필요한 사람이 아니였던 것이다. “제가 아버님을 간호할 수 있게 해주세요”
영훈이 돌아와 연습은 계속되었지만, 이번에는 소극장에서 장소를 빌려줄 수 없다는 연락이 온다. 이번에는 연습이 문제가 아니라 음악회 자체가 불투명해지는 소식이다.
절망적인 순간에 영훈이 갑자가 뭔가를 생각해 내고 책상을 뒤져 명함을 꺼내든다.
コンサートの日取りは迫ってきてヨンフンとセジン、チニョン、ホンチョルは練習室で練習に余念がなかった。今まではそれぞれの理由で忙しくて集まれなかった（忙しいことだけやっていた）メンバー全員が集まったのだ。そのとき鳴る電話、ヨンフンの父親が倒れたのだ。ヨンフンは病院へ駆けつけた（走って行った）。音楽会の時間が近づいてきていたが練習を中断した。いつもは（今回は）みんなが忙しくて避けてきた（引き伸ばした）仕事を自分一人でやり抜くヨンフンが抜けたためだ。
ヨンフンの看護を受け入れながら全然言葉がしゃべれない父親の口元にも笑みが広がった。ヨンファが見舞いに来たのだ（出て来たのだ）。ヨンフンの歌を歌うヨンファはこれ以上団欒酒場では必要な人間ではなくなったのだ。
『わたしにお父様の看護をさせてください。（看護をすることが出来るようにしてください。）』
ヨンフンが出てきて練習を続けることになったけれど、今度は小劇場で場所を借りることが出来ないという連絡が来た。今回は練習するには問題はないけれど音楽会自体がどうなるか分からないという事態だ（不透明であるというニュースだ）。
絶望的なとき（であるときに）ヨンフンは突然何かを思いつき（考えを出し）机を隈なく探して名刺を取り出した。
にほんブログ村
いろいろ調べているんですがうまくいきません。たとえば実際に縦書き
のブログは
http://tategakipoem.blog.so-net.ne.jp/がありますし、やり方はhttp://sub3.boronsha.jp/tategakitai2/に出ています。
でもすんなりとは僕のブログに納まってくれません。テンプレートとの
相性もありそうです。
にほんブログ村
もともとこのブログは『晴耕雨読』というタイトルで読書感想文などを書いていこうとしておりました。それで、最初の頃の記事は読書感想文が並んでいるわけです。
英語・中国語そして韓国語の学習ブログをそれぞれ持っていますが、多言語の学習内容や、学習素材、進捗状況をまとめて記録するブログが必要だと思い、タイトルを『晴耕雨読』から『多言語学習ノート』に変えました。それぞれの言語ブログに学習内容・素材を載せると冗長になるため、ここにまとめました。だからこのブログは発信するというよりは、『学習記録雑記ノート』の雰囲気があります。読む人には退屈かも知れません。
僕が今どういう素材を勉強しているか、または勉強しようとしているかが分かります。素材だけをアップして調理していないものもあります。これは自分にプレッシャーをかけるためのものです。いつか記事として仕上げます。そして学習素材のリマインダーの役目も果たしていると思います。
また外国語日記やメモ帳のような使い方をするかもしれません。『中国語（韓国語）で今日の出来事』とか『中国語で手帳を付けてみる』とか『韓国語手帳の書き方』なんかは三日坊主の僕にはもったいない。たぶん買うだけで一行も書かないと思う。その代わりに何週間かに一度、このブログへの書き込めば十分だと思います。僕はこのブログを多言語学習ツールとして使いたいと思う。
にほんブログ村
어떻게 하면 오선주를 상처안주고 헤어질까 고민하던 홍철은, 퇴근길에 신호등이 파란색으로 바뀌자 무심코 걸음을 내딛는다. 그 순간 과속으로 달려오던 트럭이 찢어지는 브레이크 소리를 내며 홍철의 코앞에 와서야 겨우 멈춘다. 홍철은 넋이 나간 듯 멍한 표정으로 서 있다. 세상을 살다보면 어떤 일이 생길지 모른다. 그때 과연 변함없이 나를 사랑해 줄 수 있는 여자가 얼마나 될까? 홍철의 머리 속에 오선주의 얼굴이 떠오른다.
どのようにすればオソンジュを傷つけないで別れることができるかを悩んでいたホンチョルは、退勤の途中で信号灯が赤に変わったときに、思わず（無心に）一歩踏み出した。そのとき猛スピードで走って来たトラックがキーっとブレーキの音を出して、ホンチョルの目の前に来てようやく止まった。ホンチョルは魂が抜けたようなぼうっとした表情で立っていた。人生は（人生を生きてみると）どのようなことが起こるか分からない。そのとき果たして面白みのない（変化のない）自分を愛してくれる女性がどれほど居るというのか？ ホンチョルの心に（頭に）オソンジュの顔が浮かんだ。
にほんブログ村
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そのためにいろいろな外国語を勉強しています。