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多言語学習ノート

英語、中国語、韓国語を中心にした多言語学習の記録です。 2012/5/27~

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[PR]上記の広告は3ヶ月以上新規記事投稿のないブログに表示されています。新しい記事を書く事で広告が消えます。

한편 다슬이는 비록 아버지 몰래 이기는 하지만 보고 싶었던 엄마와의 만남이 행복하기만 하다. 이것을 바라보는 진형은 그제야 다슬이에게는 아빠 뿐 아니라 엄마도 필요하다는 것 깨닫는다. 진형은 수경에게 다슬이의 여권과 1년치 생활비를 건넨다. 기쁜 수경은 다슬이에게 달려간다. 수경이 다슬이를 앉으려 하지만, 다슬이는 엄마에게서 떨어진다.

 

一方、タスリはたとえ父親には気付かれないようにしていても(ひそかに耐えていても)会いたい母親と会うことが幸せなことだった。このことに気付いたチニョンはやっとタスリには父親だけではなく母親も必要であることを悟った。チニョンはスギョンにタスリのパスポートと1年間の生活費を渡した。喜んだスギョンはタスリのところへ駆けつけた。スギョンがタスリを座らせようとしたがタスリは母親を振り払った。(『納得させようとしたがタスリは断った』の意か?)

にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村
PR

Seize the day

The fall in the price of oil and gas provides a once-in-a-generation opportunity to fix bad energy policies

MOST of the time, economic policymaking is about tinkering at the edges. Politicians argue furiously about modest changes to taxes or spending. Once in a while, however, momentous shifts are possible. From Deng Xiaoping’s market opening in 1978 to Poland’s adoption of “shock therapy” in 1990, bold politicians have seized propitious circumstances to push through reforms that transformed their countries. Such a once-in-a-generation opportunity exists today.

The plunging price of oil, coupled with advances in clean energy and conservation, offers politicians around the world the chance to rationalise energy policy. They can get rid of billions of dollars of distorting subsidies, especially for dirty fuels, whilst shifting taxes towards carbon use. A cheaper, greener and more reliable energy future could be within reach.

The most obvious reason for optimism is the plunge in energy costs. Not only has the price of oil halved in the past six months, but natural gas is the cheapest it has been in a decade, bar a few panicked months after Lehman Brothers collapsed, when the world economy appeared to be imploding. There are growing signs that low prices are here to stay: the rising chatter of megamergers in the oil industry (see article) is a sure sign that oilmen are bracing for a shake-out. Less noticed, the price of cleaner forms of energy is also falling, as our special report this week explains. And new technology is allowing better management of the consumption of energy, especially electricity. That should help cut waste and thus lower costs still further. For decades the big question about energy was whether the world could produce enough of it, in any form and at any cost. Now, suddenly, the challenge should be one of managing abundance.

Clean up a dirty business

That abundance provides the potential for reform. Far too many economies are littered with the detritus of daft energy policies, based on fears about supply. Even though fracking has boosted America’s oil output by two-thirds in just four years, the country still bans the export of oil and restricts exports of natural gas, a legacy of the oil shocks of the 1970s—and a boondoggle for American refiners and petrochemical firms. Congress also keeps handing out money to Iowa’s already coddled corn farmers to produce ethanol and has not reviewed generous subsidies for nuclear power despite the Fukushima disaster and ruinous cost over-runs at new Western plants. Instead, it has spent four long years bickering about whether to allow the proposed Keystone XL pipeline to Canada’s tar sands. In Europe the giveaways are a little different—billions have gone to wind and solar projects—but the same madness often prevails: Germany’s rushed exit from nuclear power ended up helping boost American coal and Russian gas.

The most straightforward piece of reform, pretty much everywhere, is simply to remove all the subsidies for producing or consuming fossil fuels. Last year governments around the world threw $550 billion down that rathole—on everything from holding down the price of petrol in poor countries to encouraging companies to search for oil. By one count, such handouts led to extra consumption that was responsible for 36% of global carbon emissions in 1980-2010.

Falling prices provide an opportunity to rethink this nonsense. Cash-strapped developing countries such as India and Indonesia have bravely begun to cut fuel subsidies, freeing up money to spend on hospitals and schools (see article). But the big oil exporters in the poor world, which tend to be the most egregious subsidisers of domestic fuel prices, have not followed their lead. Venezuela is close to default, yet petrol still costs a few cents a litre in Caracas. And rich countries still underwrite the production of oil and gas. Why should American taxpayers pay for Exxon to find hydrocarbons? All these subsidies should be binned.

What a better policy would look like

That should be just the beginning. Politicians, for the most part, have refused to raise taxes on fossil fuels in recent years, on the grounds that making driving or heating homes more expensive would not only annoy voters but also hurt the economy. With petrol and natural gas getting cheaper by the day, that excuse has gone. Higher taxes would encourage conservation, dampen future price swings and provide a more sensible way for governments to raise money.

An obvious starting point is to target petrol. America’s federal government levies a tax of just 18 cents a gallon (five cents a litre)—a figure that it has not dared change since 1993. Even better would be a tax on carbon. Burning fossil fuels harms the health of both the planet and its inhabitants. Taxing carbon would nudge energy firms and consumers towards using cleaner fuels. As fuel prices fall, a carbon tax is becoming less politically daunting.

That points to the biggest blessing cheaper energy brings: the chance to inject some coherence into the world’s energy policies. Governments have a legitimate role in making sure that energy is abundant, clean and secure. But they need to learn the difference between picking goals and deciding how to reach them. Broad incentives are fine; second-guessing scientists and investors is not. A carbon tax, in other words, is a much better way to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases than subsidies for windmills and nuclear plants.

By the same token, in the name of security of supply, governments should be encouraging the growth of seamless global energy markets. Scrapping unfair obstacles to energy investments is just as important as dispensing with subsidies. The more cross-border pipelines and power cables the better. America should approve Keystone XL and lift its export restrictions, while European politicians should make it much easier to exploit the oil and gas in the shale beneath their feet.

This ambitious to-do list will drive regiments of energy lobbyists potty. But for the first time in years it is within the realm of the politically possible. And it would plainly lead to a more efficient and greener energy future. So our message to politicians is a simple one. Seize the day.

にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村

America’s new aristocracy

As the importance of intellectual capital grows, privilege has become increasingly heritable

WHEN the candidates for the Republican presidential nomination line up on stage for their first debate in August, there may be three contenders whose fathers also ran for president. Whoever wins may face the wife of a former president next year. It is odd that a country founded on the principle of hostility to inherited status should be so tolerant of dynasties. Because America never had kings or lords, it sometimes seems less inclined to worry about signs that its elite is calcifying.

Thomas Jefferson drew a distinction between a natural aristocracy of the virtuous and talented, which was a blessing to a nation, and an artificial aristocracy founded on wealth and birth, which would slowly strangle it. Jefferson himself was a hybrid of these two types—a brilliant lawyer who inherited 11,000 acres and 135 slaves from his father-in-law—but the distinction proved durable. When the robber barons accumulated fortunes that made European princes envious, the combination of their own philanthropy, their children’s extravagance and federal trust-busting meant that Americans never discovered what it would be like to live in a country where the elite could reliably reproduce themselves.

Now they are beginning to find out, (see article), because today’s rich increasingly pass on to their children an asset that cannot be frittered away in a few nights at a casino. It is far more useful than wealth, and invulnerable to inheritance tax. It is brains.

Matches made in New Haven

Intellectual capital drives the knowledge economy, so those who have lots of it get a fat slice of the pie. And it is increasingly heritable. Far more than in previous generations, clever, successful men marry clever, successful women. Such “assortative mating” increases inequality by 25%, by one estimate, since two-degree households typically enjoy two large incomes. Power couples conceive bright children and bring them up in stable homes—only 9% of college-educated mothers who give birth each year are unmarried, compared with 61% of high-school dropouts. They stimulate them relentlessly: children of professionals hear 32m more words by the age of four than those of parents on welfare. They move to pricey neighbourhoods with good schools, spend a packet on flute lessons and pull strings to get junior into a top-notch college.

The universities that mould the American elite seek out talented recruits from all backgrounds, and clever poor children who make it to the Ivy League may have their fees waived entirely. But middle-class students have to rack up huge debts to attend college, especially if they want a post-graduate degree, which many desirable jobs now require. The link between parental income and a child’s academic success has grown stronger, as clever people become richer and splash out on their daughter’s Mandarin tutor, and education matters more than it used to, because the demand for brainpower has soared. A young college graduate earns 63% more than a high-school graduate if both work full-time—and the high-school graduate is much less likely to work at all. For those at the top of the pile, moving straight from the best universities into the best jobs, the potential rewards are greater than they have ever been.

None of this is peculiar to America, but the trend is most visible there. This is partly because the gap between rich and poor is bigger than anywhere else in the rich world—a problem Barack Obama alluded to repeatedly in his state-of-the-union address on January 20th (see article). It is also because its education system favours the well-off more than anywhere else in the rich world. Thanks to hyperlocal funding, America is one of only three advanced countries where the government spends more on schools in rich areas than in poor ones. Its university fees have risen 17 times as fast as median incomes since 1980, partly to pay for pointless bureaucracy and flashy buildings. And many universities offer “legacy” preferences, favouring the children of alumni in admissions.

Nurseries, not tumbrils

The solution is not to discourage rich people from investing in their children, but to do a lot more to help clever kids who failed to pick posh parents. The moment to start is in early childhood, when the brain is most malleable and the right kind of stimulation has the largest effect. There is no substitute for parents who talk and read to their babies, but good nurseries can help, especially for the most struggling families; and America scores poorly by international standards (see article). Improving early child care in the poorest American neighbourhoods yields returns of ten to one or more; few other government investments pay off so handsomely.

Many schools are in the grip of one of the most anti-meritocratic forces in America: the teachers’ unions, which resist any hint that good teaching should be rewarded or bad teachers fired. To fix this, and the scandal of inequitable funding, the system should become both more and less local. Per-pupil funding should be set at the state level and tilted to favour the poor. Dollars should follow pupils, through a big expansion of voucher schemes or charter schools. In this way, good schools that attract more pupils will grow; bad ones will close or be taken over. Unions and their Democratic Party allies will howl, but experiments in cities such as battered New Orleans have shown that school choice works.

Finally, America’s universities need an injection of meritocracy. Only a handful, such as Caltech, admit applicants solely on academic merit. All should. And colleges should make more effort to offer value for money. With cheaper online courses gaining momentum, traditional institutions must cut costs or perish. The state can help by demanding more transparency from universities about the return that graduates earn on their degrees.

Loosening the link between birth and success would make America richer—far too much talent is currently wasted. It might also make the nation more cohesive. If Americans suspect that the game is rigged, they may be tempted to vote for demagogues of the right or left—especially if the grown-up alternative is another Clinton or yet another Bush.

にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村


AN ALARMING assumption is taking hold in some quarters of both Beijing and Washington, DC. Within a few years, China’s economy will overtake America’s in size (on a purchasing-power basis, it is already on the cusp of doing so). Its armed forces, though still dwarfed by those of the United States, are growing fast in strength; in any war in East Asia, they would have the home advantage. Thus, some people have concluded, rivalry between China and America has become inevitable and will be followed by confrontation—even conflict.
 
Diplomacy’s task in the coming decades will be to ensure that such a catastrophe never takes place. The question is how?
Primacy inter pares
 
Some Western hawks see a China threat wherever they look: China’s state-owned businesses stealing a march in Africa; its government covering for autocrats in UN votes; its insatiable appetite for resources plundering the environment. Fortunately, there is scant evidence to support the idea of a global Chinese effort to upend the international order. China’s desires have an historical, even emotional, dimension. But in much of the world China seeks to work within existing norms, not to overturn them.
 
In Africa its business dealings are transactional and more often led by entrepreneurs than by the state. Elsewhere, a once-reactive diplomacy is growing more sophisticated—and helpful. China is the biggest contributor to peacekeeping missions among the UN Security Council’s permanent five, and it takes part in anti-piracy patrols off the Horn of Africa. In some areas China is working hard to lessen its environmental footprint, for instance through vast afforestation schemes and clean-coal technologies.
 
The big exception is in East and North-East Asia—one of the greatest concentrations of people, dynamism and wealth on Earth. There, both its rhetoric and its actions suggest that China is unhappy with Pax Americana. For centuries China lay at the centre of things, the sun around which other Asian kingdoms turned. First Western ravages in the middle of the 19th century and then China’s defeat by Japan at the end of it put paid to Chinese centrality. Today an American-led order in the western Pacific perpetuates the humiliation, in the eyes of Chinese leaders. Soon, they believe, their country will be rich and powerful enough to seize back primacy in East Asia.
 
China’s sense of historical grievance explains a spate of recent belligerence. China has deployed ships and planes to contest Japan’s control of islands in the East China Sea, grabbed reefs claimed by the Philippines in the South China Sea and moved an oil rig into Vietnam’s claimed exclusive economic zone. All this has created alarm in the region. Some strategists say America can keep the peace only if it is firm in the face of Chinese expansionism. Others urge America to share power in East Asia before rivalries lead to a disaster.
 
America cannot walk away without grave consequences for the region and its own standing. Since the end of the second world war, American security has been the basis of Asian prosperity and an increasingly liberal order. It enabled Japan to rise from the ashes without alarming its neighbours. Indeed, China’s race to modernity could not have happened without it. Even Vietnam, America’s old foe, is clearer than ever that it wants America’s stabilising, reassuring presence.
 
Yet, if the liberal order is to survive, it must evolve. Denying the reality of China’s growing power would only encourage China to reject the world as it is. By contrast, if China can prosper within the system, it will reinforce it. That is why the United States needs to acknowledge one increasingly awkward aspect of its leadership: American advantage is hard-wired into the system in ways that a rising power might justifiably resent.
 
For a great power to find a new equilibrium with an emerging one is hard—because every adaptation looks like a retreat. Three principles should guide America.
 
First, it should only make promises that it is prepared to keep. On the one hand, America would be foolish to draw red lines around specks of reef in the South China Sea. On the other, if America is to count for anything, its allies need to know that they can depend on it. Although Taiwan is central to China’s sense of its own honour, America should leave Beijing in no doubt that it would come to the island’s defence.
 
Second, even in security, America must make room. China’s participation in America’s recent RIMPAC naval exercises off Hawaii was a start. China could be invited to join Asian exercises, including for disaster relief. And America should avoid a cold-war battle for the loyalty of regional powers.
 
Lastly, America will find it easier to include China in new projects than to give ground on old ones—and should make more effort to do so. It is nonsensical that America should be leading the formation of the region’s biggest free-trade area, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, without the inclusion of the region’s largest economy. And there is no reason to exclude China from co-operation in space. Even during the cold war American and Soviet astronauts worked together.
 
Let the dragon in
 
Why should China be satisfied with a bit more engagement when primacy is what it seeks? There is no guarantee that it will be. Just now the rhetoric coming out of Beijing is full of cold-war, Manichean imagery. Yet sensible Chinese understand that their country faces constraints—China needs Western markets, its neighbours are unwilling to accept its regional writ and for many more years the United States will be strong enough militarily and diplomatically to block it. And in the longer run, the hope is that the Chinese system will of itself adapt from one-party rule to some more liberal polity that, by its nature, is more comfortable with the world as it now is.
 
Drawing China into a strengthened regional framework would not be to cede primacy to it. Nor would it be to abandon a liberal order that has served Asia—and America—so well. It may, in the end, not work. But given the huge dangers of rivalry, it is essential now to try.








にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村

박치운 과장이 면직되어 구청을 떠난 후, 세진은 은행에서 날라 온 독촉장을 받는다. 박과장 보증 섰던 것이 문제가 된 것이다. 다시는 보고싶지 않았지만 하는 수 없이 박과장을 찾아 나선다. 물어 물어 찾아간 산동네의 유난히 허름한 박과장의 집은 비어있다. 허탈해 돌아서는 세진의 눈에 머리카락이 다 빠져버린 머리에 모자를 꾹 눌러 쓴 중학생 소년을 업고 가파른 골목길을 휘청휘청 올라오고 있는 박과장의 모습이 들어온다. 세진이 할 말을 잃고 바라본다.

 

パクチウン課長が免職されて区役所を出て行った後、セジンは銀行から期日が来たという督促状を受け取った。パク課長の保証人になった(を保証した)ことが問題になったのだ。二度と(は)会いたくなかったけれど、しかたなく(する方法がなく)パク課長に探しに出かけた。うろうろと探しに行った山中の集落で際立ってみすぼらしい(古びている)パク課長の家を見つけた(はみ出していた)。力なく(虚脱して)出かけたセジンの目に髪の毛が全部抜けてしまった頭へ帽子をぎゅっと、ずっと(続けて)被っている中学生ソニョンを背負い、坂の小路をよろよろと登って来ているパク課長の姿が(目に)入ってきた。セジンはしようとしていた話を切り出せなかった(言葉をなくしてわきで傍観していた)。

にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村

영훈과 연화가 서로에게서 자기한테는 없는 새로운 면을 발견하고 따뜻한 감정을 쌓아갈 무렵. 연화가 전에 일하던 단란주점 사내들이 연화를 찾아온다. 단란주점으로 돌아오라는 것이다. 연화는 영훈과 그의 아버지와의 행복이 나날이 계속되기를 원하지만 그들의 위협은 집요하게 연화를 괴롭힌다. 사내들이 행패를 부리고 간 레코드가게는 엉망으로 어질러져 있고 연화가 흐트러진 모습으로 울고 있다. 연화는 더 이상 영훈에게 피해를 줄 수 없다며 떠난다. 아버지 역시 연화가 떠난 것을 보고 말없이 나가버린다.

 

ヨンフンとヨンファがお互いに自分にはない新しい面を発見し暖かい感情を積み重ねてきたころ、ヨンファが前に働いていた団欒酒場(カラオケバー)の男たちがヨンファを訪ねてきた。団欒酒場から逃げ出してきたのだ(出て来たのだ)。ヨンファはヨンフンと彼の父親との幸福な日々が続くことを願っていたけれど彼たちの脅威が執拗なのでヨンファを悩ませた。男たちが狼藉を働きに行ったレコード店はメチャクチャに散らかされヨンファが取り乱した(散らかった)様子で泣いていた。ヨンファはこれ以上ヨンフンに迷惑(被害)をかけることはできないと思い、出て行った。父親もまたヨンファが出て行ったのを見て出て行ってしまった。

にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村
Fluent in 3 months音読してみました。
この本はCDが付いていませんのでナレイターの真似をすることができません。自分では英語喉風に発音していると思っているんですが、どうでしょうか。

この教材は読む教材にして、音声ファイルのある他の教材で発音練習したほうが正統な発音に近づける気がします。適当な本としては『Kane & Abel』『Banker to the Poor』があるので、それをやってみます。

今回の録音は『Moo0ボイス録音機』というソフトを使って録音しました。MP3の録音音質は選べますが、今回録音した音質は96kbps(FMラジオレベル)で173秒でした。この音声ファイル容量は1.98MBです。忍者ブログは2MBまでならアップできます。

ちなみに音質レベルをAMラジオレベル(32kbps)で録音すると271KB/69secでしたので509秒間、また最高レベルの320kbpsであれば50秒間録音したものアップできるということになります。オーディオCDレベルであれば128kbpsですので127秒ということです。 にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村

과학선생인 홍철은 자신의 외모가 미천하니 아내만큼은 늘씬하고 보기 좋아야 한다며, 그런 여자 없냐고 친구들을 보챈다. 세진이 마련한 자리에서 홍철은 오선주의 얼굴에 다소 실망하지만, 애써 내색하지 않는다. 하지만 오선주는 홍철이 마음에 꼭 드는 모양이다. 홍철은 오선주를 만나지 않으려고 하지만, 그의 불우한 가정환경과 가족에 대한 그녀의 헌신에 감명 받게 된다. 하지만 그녀는 내 상대가 아니야! 더 만나면 착하고 순수한 그녀에게 상처만 줄 뿐이야! 하며 홍철은 마음을 다잡는다.

 

科学の先生であるホンチョルは自分の外見が良くないので妻ぐらいはすらりとしていて、見た目がよくなければならないと考えているが、そのような女性はいないかと友人たちに聞き、紹介しろとせがんだ。セジンが準備した席でホンチョルはオソンジュの顔に多少失望したけれど、努めて顔色には出さなかった。

けれどもオソンジュはホンチョルの心のなかにしっかりと入り込んだみたいだった。ホンチョルはオソンジュと会わないと言ったが、彼女の不遇な家庭環境と家族のための彼女の献身に感銘を受けてしまった。しかし彼女は自分の配偶者にはふさわしくない! もう一度会えば善良で純粋な彼女に傷つけるだけだ! それでホンチョルは決心した(心を引き締めた)。

にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村

같이 시작한 유학생활에서 진형이 큰 성과를 거두지 못한 반면수경은 훌륭히 적응해서 박사과정에 까지 오르게된다이런 와중에 아이가 태어나자진형은 다슬이를 위해서 한국으로 돌아가야만 한다고 고집을 피운다결국 수경만 놔둔 체다슬이만 데리고 돌아온 진형은 시간강사 생활을 하며 다슬이와 살아간다대학에서 교수제의를 받은 후 다슬이를 찾아온 수경은 진형에게 미국에서 다슬이와 지내고 싶다고그리고 다슬이를 위해 모든 걸 포기할 수도 있다고 매달려 보지만 진형의 태도는 단호하다이런 진형을 바라보는 영훈의 마음은 답답하기만 하고………….

 

一緒に始めた留学生活でチニョンは大きな成果を挙げることが出来なかったが(反面)、スギョンは立派に適応し博士課程にまで上った。このような渦中に子供が出来て、チニョンはタスリのために韓国に戻らなければならないと言い張った(固執した)。結局スギョンだけが残るようになり、タスリだけを連れて帰国したチニョンは非常勤講師生活をしながらタスリと暮らしていった(きた)。

大学で教授推薦を受けた後タスリに会いに来たスギョンはチニョンに米国でタスリと住みたいと言い、そしてタスリのためにすべてのことを捨ててしまう覚悟(方法)もあると言って懇願してみたがチニョンの態度は固かった(断固としていた)。こんなチニョンを見たヨンフンは心配ばかりした・・・ ・・・

にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村
一応、書き出すのはここまでにしておきます。


浙江省普通话测试作品13

(原作品15号)
  三十年代初,胡适在北京大学任教授。讲课时他常常文大加称引起一些只喜文言文而不喜文的学生的不

  一次,胡适正得得意的候,一位姓魏的学生突然站了起来,生气地胡先生,文就毫无缺点胡适微笑着回答没有。那位学生更加激了:肯定有!白废话太多,打电报用字多,花多。胡适的目光顿时变亮了。声地解释说不一定吧!前几天有位朋友我打来电报我去政府部工作,我决定不去,就回了。复是用白写的,看来也很省字。同学根据我个意思,用文言文写一个回,看看究竟是白文省字,是文言文省字?胡教授刚说完,同学立刻真地写了起来。
  十五分钟过去,胡适手,告用字的数目,然后挑了一份用字最少的文言电报稿,文是这样写的:才疏学浅,恐难胜任,不堪从命。文的意思是:学不深,恐怕很担任个工作,不能服从安排。
  胡适份写得确用了十二个字。但我的白话电报却只用了五个字:干不了,谢谢
  胡适又解释说干不了就有才疏学浅、恐难胜任的意思;谢谢//朋友的介表示感,又有拒的意思。所以,废话多不多,并不看它是文言文是白文,只要注意用字,白文是可以比文言文更省字的。

——节选灼主汉语教程》(上)中《胡适的白话电报

にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村
引き続きやって行きます。


浙江省普通话测试作品10

(原作品12号)
  夕阳落山不久,西方的天空,着一片橘色的晚霞。大海,也被霞光染成了色,而且比天空的景色更要壮。因它是活的,每当一排排波浪涌起的候,那映照在浪峰上的霞光,又又亮,直就像一片片霍霍燃着的火焰,闪烁着,消失了。而后面的一排,又闪烁着,滚动着,涌了来。
  天空的霞光渐渐地淡下去了,深成了绯红绯红成浅。最后,当一切光都消失了的候,那突然得高而了的天空,出一片穆的神色。最早出的启明星,在这蓝色的天幕上闪烁起来了。它是那么大,那么亮,整个广漠的天幕上只有它在那里放射着令人注目的光,活像一盏悬挂在高空的明灯。
  夜色加空中的明灯越来越多了。而城市各的真的灯火也次第亮了起来,尤其是围绕在海港周山坡上的那一片灯光,从半空倒映在乌蓝的海面上,随着波浪,晃着,闪烁着,像一串流着的珍珠,和那一片片密布在穹里的星斗互相映,煞是好看。
  在幽美的夜色中,我踏着软绵绵的沙,沿着海,慢慢地向前走去。海水,轻轻摸着细软的沙出温柔的 // 刷刷声。晚来的海,清新而又凉爽。我的心里,有着不出的兴奋和愉快。

  夜风轻飘飘地吹拂着,空气中飘荡着一种大海和田禾相混合的香味儿,柔的沙残留着白天太阳炙晒的余温。那些在各个工作位上劳动了一天的人,三三两两地来到这软绵绵的沙上,他浴着凉爽的海,望着那缀满了星星的夜空,尽情地笑,尽情地休憩。

——自峻青《海仲夏夜》


にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村
2年間ほど休んでいた中国語を再開しました。中国語に慣れるために、短い文章を読んでいきます。


浙江省普通话测试作品9

(原作品11号)
  一个大问题一直踞在我袋里:
  世界杯怎么会有如此巨大的吸引力?除去足球本身的魅力之外,有什么超乎其上而更大的西?
  近来看世界杯,忽然从中得到了答案:是由于一种无上崇高的精神情感──国家荣誉感!
  地球上的人都会有国家的概念,但未必时时都有国家的感情。往往人到异国,思念家,心怀故国,国家概念就得有血有肉,国之情来得非常具体。而代社会,科技昌达,信息快捷,事事上网,世界真是太小太小,国家的界限似乎也不那么清晰了。再球正在快速世界化,平日里各国球员频会,往来随意,致使越来越多的国家联赛都具有国的因素。球员们国籍,只效力于自己的俱部,他赛时的激情中完全没有国主的因子。
  然而,到了世界杯大,天下大。各国球都回国效力,穿上与光荣的国旗同色彩的服装。在每一前,高唱国歌以宣誓自己祖国的挚爱与忠。一种血情感开始在全身的血管里燃起来,而且立刻血沸
  在代,国家间经抗,好男儿戎装国。国家的荣誉往往需要以自己的生命去 // 取。但在和平代,唯有种国家之抗性的大,才可以起那种遥而神圣的情感,那就是:祖国而

——节选冯骥才《国家荣誉感》

にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村
中国映画『サンザシの樹の下で』を観た。ちょっと不自然なストーリー展開は、昼休みに水浴びをするするシーンです。もう少し『これは起こり得るな』というエピソードで話を進めて欲しかった。韓国映画やアメリカ映画で毒されている僕には、日本や中国の映画は物足りない。評価はBです。かろうじて合格といったところです。ちなみに『芙蓉鎮』であればA+の評価です。『千年の祈り』A、『暗戀桃花源』A++です。チャン・イーモウとかスピルバーグの安っぽい映画(お金はかけているが、内容が空虚な)作りが嫌いで、谢 晋とかルーカスみたいな方が好きなだけかもしれません。







にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村
中国語ブログ業界で有名だった『つながる中国語文法』を読了しました。文法書で読了したのは始めてです。それも3回も。そんなに詳しい説明はないけれど、俯瞰図的な見方を与えてくれるいい本だと思う。この本のことについてTwitterでしゃべっていたら著者の林松涛さんからコメントをいただいた。こんな経験も初めてです。うれしかったです。 にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村
はるさめさんがブログで紹介していた『失恋33天』を見ました。映像がきれいで、セリフもカッコいいし、面白かったです。内容は中国語字幕なので、イマイチ理解していない部分があるかもしれないけれど。原作もインターネットで読めます。中国のドラマは悲壮感が漂っているのが多いけれど、これは違います。

(あらすじ)ブライダルコーディネイト会社に勤めるOLが7年付き合った彼から捨てられます。自暴自棄になりながらも、33日目に身近なところに更に素敵な男性を見出す。同じ職場で働く、よく知っている、同僚です。それまでは、恋愛の対象ですらなかった。いろいろとゴタゴタがあった後、彼が普通の同僚から恋人に代わる、決めセリフが『我陪着你呢』。カッコいい。この同僚、日本のコメディアンの『チャラ男』に似ていると思うんだけど。評価B+


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http://t.co/YGzpGVpw にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村
時間に少し余裕が出来たので、買い溜めた本を読んでいきます。今までは一年に一冊も読めないことが多かったけれど、これからは一ヶ月に一冊、2週間に一冊、10日に一冊という具合に読むスピードを上げられたらいいなと思います。読書感想を書いて自分の読書の歩みが後で振り返ることが出来ればいいなと思っています。外国語の本も読みたいと思っています。 にほんブログ村 外国語ブログ 多言語学習者(学習中)へ
にほんブログ村

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